Archive | 2018/03/08

Mroczny sekret dwulicowych akademików

Mroczny sekret dwulicowych akademików

Giulio Meotti
Tłumaczenie: Małgorzata Koraszewska


Prezydent Donald Trump podpisuje 6 marca 2017 r. dekret prezydencki 13780, który ogranicza wjazd do USA z pewnych krajów oraz przez wszystkich uchodźców, którzy nie posiadają albo wizy, albo ważnego dokumentu podróży. (Zdjęcie: The White House)

Restrykcje Stanów Zjednoczonych na wjazd podróżnych z sześciu krajów o muzułmańskiej większości (wybranych przez byłego prezydenta, Obamę) – chyba że, jak powiedział prezydent Donald J. Trump, będzie można ich sprawdzić – wywołały gniew zachodniej społeczności akademickiej. Ich niepokój wydaje się koncentrować wokół sprawy wykluczenia ze Stanów Zjednoczonych badaczy i uczonych z krajów islamskich obłożonych sankcjami przez administrację amerykańską.

Harvard, Yale i Stanford poszły do sądu przeciwko Białemu Domowi. 171 stowarzyszeń naukowych i organizacji akademickich protestowało przeciwko temu, co błędnie zatytułowali “muzułmańskim zakazem” Trumpa. “Wśród ludzi dotkniętych tym dekretem są akademicy i studenci, którzy nie mogą uczestniczyć w konferencjach i w swobodnej wymianie myśli” – głosi apel podpisany przez 6 tysięcy naukowców, akademików i badaczy z całego świata.

Co może być bardziej “postępowego” niż zachodnia społeczność akademicka, walcząca o utrzymanie otwartych bram dla naukowej wymiany? Niestety, wielu z tych, którzy podpisywali te apele, walnie przyczyniło się do szerzenia rasistowskich apeli wzywających do bojkotowania ich izraelskich kolegów. To jest, do wprowadzenia na tych samych uniwersytetach „zakazu wstępu dla Izraelczyków”. Taka dyskryminacja nie jest stosowana wobec naukowców z Jemenu lub Somalii, ale tylko wobec tych, którzy mają paszport państwa żydowskiego.

Na przykład, Nadine el Enany, pierwsza sygnatariuszka apelu przeciwko “muzułmańskiemu zakazowi” Stanów Zjednoczonych, jest jedną z sygnatariuszek apelu o bojkotowanie jej izraelskich kolegów akademickich. Ten sam podwójny standard stosuje się do Sarah Keenan i Billa Bowringa oraz do włoskiej profesor Paoli Bacchetta, która wykłada “gender studies” na Berkeley. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, profesor literatury w SOAS University in London, oznajmił, że jako protest przeciwko domniemanej “ksenofobii” Trumpa, odwoła podróż do USA, gdzie miał przedstawiać swoją książkę. A co z protestem przeciwko jego ksenofobii? Postępowe „sumienie” nie przeszkodziło Adib-Moghaddamowi w podpisaniu apelu o bojkotowanie izraelskich badaczy i profesorów.

Są dziesiątki przykładów profesorów – takich jak Gareth Dale, promotor doktorantów w Brunel University, i Steven Rose, brytyjski profesor, który od 2002 r. podpisuje apele przeciwko Izraelowi – którzy walczą o prawa irańskich badaczy, ale chcą pozbawić tych samych praw izraelskich badaczy.

Prokuratorzy generalni 16 stanów twierdzili, że zakaz Trumpa szkodzi uniwersytetom. Gdzie byli ci prokuratorzy generalni, kiedy grupy akademickie w USA zatwierdzały bojkot izraelskich uczonych? Missouri State University ogłosił poparcie tych studentów, którzy mogliby być dotknięci zakazem Trumpa. Dlaczego żaden uniwersytet nie rozpoczął podobnej kampanii na rzecz uczonych izraelskich dotkniętych bojkotem?

Roger Waters, jedna ze znanych postaci świata artystycznego, który atakował zakaz Trumpa, w zeszłym roku wzywał Radiohead do odwołania koncertu w Izraelu. Zarząd studencki University of Wisconsin-Madison jednogłośnie uchwalił rezolucję o dywestycji z firm izraelskich.

Znana uczona Ruth Wisse zanotowała ten paradoks w „Wall Street Journal”:

“Jeśli uniwersytety są gotowe walczyć z rządowym zakazem wjazdu dla studentów z krajów o muzułmańskiej większości, dlaczego członkowie ich kadry nauczycielskiej walczą o niedopuszczenie wymiany z akademickimi kolegami w ich żydowskiej ojczyźnie?”

Restrykcje administracji USA utrudniające wjazd potencjalnie wrogich imigrantów miały na celu zapobieżenie terrorystycznym atakom na Amerykanów i ich wolny, demokratyczny sposób życia. Celem kampanii przeciwko Izraelowi jest atakowanie jedynej demokracji od Casablanki do Calcutty – miejsca, gdzie studenci muzułmańscy są wolni; wolniejsi, w rzeczywistości, niż w wielu krajach arabskich.

Kiedy Trump podpisał ten dekret prezydencki, cały świat powstał przeciwko USA. Ale nikt nie protestował, przeciwko 16 państwom muzułmańskim (w tym Jemen, Iran, Irak i Syria), w których obowiązuje całkowity zakaz wjazdu do ich krajów dla Izraelczyków. Autor i historyk, Martin Kramer napisał:

“W rzeczywistości sześć z siedmiu krajów, które figurują w dekrecie prezydenckim Trumpa, zakazuje wjazdu posiadaczom paszportów izraelskich: Iran, Irak, Libia, Sudan, Syria i Jemen. (Robi to także kolejne dziesięć państw z muzułmańską większością.) Te same sześć państw nie wpuści także nikogo, kto ma paszport nie-izraelski, ale z izraelską wizą”.

Gdzie byli ci liberalni profesorowie i badacze, którzy teraz atakują zakaz Trumpa, kiedy wiele krajów muzułmańskich zamknęło drzwi dla Żydów?

Znakomity historyk, Bernard Lewis napisał już w 2006 r.:

“Praktycznie rzecz biorąc, wszystkie rządy arabskie ogłosiły, że nie będą dawać wiz Żydom z jakimkolwiek obywatelstwem. To nie było ukradkiem – to było publicznie proklamowane na formularzach wizowych i w literaturze turystycznej. Powiedzieli zupełnie wyraźnie, że ludzie wyznający religię żydowską, niezależnie, jakie mają obywatelstwo, nie otrzymają wizy i nie dostaną pozwolenia na wjazd do niepodległego kraju arabskiego. Raz jeszcze nie było ani słowa protestu nigdzie i od nikogo. Można sobie tylko wyobrazić oburzenie, gdyby Izrael ogłosił, że nie będzie dawać wiz muzułmanom, a jeszcze bardziej, gdyby zrobiły to Stany Zjednoczone”.

Wisse notuje kolejny paradoks w tych haniebnych, podwójnych standardach: “Nie przypadkowo Iran i Syria, dwa kraje, których obywatele mają zakaz wjazdu do USA, są także oddane zniszczeniu Izraela”.

Mrocznym sekretem pełnej hipokryzji klasy akademickiej wydaje się być to, że w rzeczywistości cieszy ich pomysł zniszczenia Izraela.


Giulio Meotti

Włoski publicysta, autor książki „A New Shoah: The Untold Story of Israel’s Victims of Terrorism”.


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HEZBOLLAH ROLE UNMENTIONED IN CHARGES FOR 2012 BULGARIA TERRORIST ATTACK

HEZBOLLAH ROLE UNMENTIONED IN CHARGES FOR 2012 BULGARIA TERRORIST ATTACK

YONAH JEREMY BOB,    BENJAMIN WEINTHAL


Cover-up or an effort to keep the Iranian-backed group angle under wraps?

People carry a Hezbollah flag with a picture of newly appointed Lebanese President Michel Aoun stuck on it, in the Haret Hreik area, southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon October 31, 2016.. (photo credit: REUTERS)

The Bulgarian state prosecution has decided not to charge Hezbollah with involvement in the 2012 bomb attack at the Burgas airport that killed five Israelis and their Bulgarian bus driver and wounded 32 other Israelis, The Jerusalem Post has learned.

Instead, the prosecutor indicted the two men allegedly involved in the attack as if they were terrorists or even regular criminals who acted without connection to an organization. The word “Hezbollah” does not appear in the indictment.

In addition, the indictment does not mention standard terrorism offenses such as “acting as part of a terrorist organization” or connecting the murder offense to terrorism. Instead, it makes a brief reference to Bulgarian Penal Code Section 108(a) regarding disturbing the public order.

Under Section 108(a), anyone who by causing a “disturbance or fear among the population” or who threatens or forces “a competent authority… to perform or omit part of his/her duties, commits a crime,” in addition to other crimes they may have committed.

Sources close to the case say that when the Bulgarian prosecutor on the case was confronted with these anomalies, he claimed that no one provided him with evidence demonstrating Hezbollah’s involvement.

This, however, is in direct contradiction to evidence that came to light immediately after the attack. Bulgaria’s interior minister at the time, Tsvetan Tsvetanov, said in 2012, “We have established that the two [accused] were members of the militant wing of Hezbollah.” He also said, “There is data showing the financing and connection between Hezbollah and the two suspects.”

In 2013, Tsvetanov’s successor, Tsvetlin Yovchev, told reporters before a commemoration ceremony, “There are clear signs that say Hezbollah is behind the Burgas bombing.”

Also in 2013, responding to a discussion about Bulgarian-Israeli relations on Bulgarian National Television, then-foreign minister Nikolay Mladenov said that the government would not have issued a statement linking Hezbollah to the Burgas attack if it did not have solid evidence.

Evidence produced by Bulgaria’s investigation into the Burgas bombing even led to the European Union placing Hezbollah’s armed wing on its blacklist, a move that was supported at the time by Mladenov, today the United Nation’s special coordinator for the Middle East peace process.

The Post contacted Bulgaria’s Foreign Ministry, the State Agency for National Security, Interior Ministry, Justice Ministry and Prosecutor’s Office for a response to allegations that the prosecution was covering up Hezbollah’s involvement in the attack and ignoring evidence referred to by its ministers.

In response, Milena Petrova from the Foreign Ministry said on behalf of the prosecution that “the content of the indictment is completely within the competences of the prosecutor who is in charge of the case.

Neither Tsvetan Tsvetanov, in his capacity as then-interior minister, nor any other ministry or incumbent minister pay whatever regard to the decisions and legal acts of the judiciary.

“The executive and the judiciary powers are separated and independent of each other. The prosecutor’s office is part of the judiciary of the Republic of Bulgaria,” the statement concluded.

The statement does not deny the existence of evidence of Hezbollah’s involvement.

Instead of denying the existence of such evidence, the statement contends that the prosecutor’s office is in a better position than former Bulgarian ministers to decide what issues should be included in an indictment and what issues should not be.

Put differently, the Bulgarian prosecutor’s statement essentially acknowledges that there is a contradiction between the indictment it filed and the statements made by senior Bulgarian ministers in 2012 and 2013.

SINCE 2013, the political parties running the Bulgarian government have changed three times, with swings ranging from a pro-Western direction to a more pro-Russian orientation.

The Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borisov, who reentered government in 2017, served as prime minister during the Burgas attack. Borisov’s pro-EU party Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria formed a coalition with the United Patriots, an amalgam of three far-right extremist parties.

The new ruling parties are generally known to be less sympathetic to Israel and more concerned about a confrontation with Hezbollah. Ataka, one of the right-wing extremist parties in Borisov’s coalition, adopted its name from Joseph Goebbels’s Nazi newspaper Der Angriff (The Attack).

The European Commission has frequently reprimanded Bulgaria for failing to root out corruption and failing to modernize its judiciary.

Transparency International’s 2016 Corruption Perceptions Index named Bulgaria the most corrupt EU member state. The pro-Russia Socialist party said the government has failed to confront high-level misconduct and graft.

Last week, the Bulgarian government survived a no-confidence vote in the parliament by 131-103. The parliamentary row was over the failure of the center-right government to tackle widespread graft.

FORMER BULGARIAN officials and the EU are not the only officials who have confirmed Hezbollah’s involvement in the 2012 terrorist attack.

Bulgarian officials and others leaked significant details relating to the investigation following the attack.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in the past that the Bulgarian findings made it clear that Hezbollah was “directly responsible for the heinous act in Burgas.”

A flood of media reports on multiple continents have discussed the roles of the defendants, Lebanese-Australian national Meliad Farah and Lebanese-Canadian national El Hajj Hassan, in the attack. There are also US court documents from other terrorism- and Hezbollah-related cases that have confirmed that the third attacker, who died in the attack, French-Lebanese national Jacques Felipe Martin (also known as Muhammad Hassan el-Husseini), was also connected to Hezbollah.

The men are alleged to have entered Bulgaria using false drivers licenses printed in Lebanon.

In 2013, the Bulgarian government presented evidence to the EU linking a Hezbollah operative’s ownership of a printer to doctored documents that enabled the 2012 terrorist attack.

US analysts concluded that the bombers belonged to Hezbollah, and Farah and Hassan have both been named “Specially Designated Global Terrorists” by the Department of State under Executive Order 132246.

Husseini was connected to the two living attackers by a SIM card and forged documents.

Much of this information was disclosed at a meeting to the CP931, a special European working group related to confronting terrorism, according to an EU diplomat.

In 2017, the FBI arrested Samer El-Debek for his participation in a Hezbollah cell in the United States.

Debek was reportedly trained as a bomb-maker for Hezbollah.

In his May 2017 statement under oath as part of the indictment against Debek, FBI Agent Daniel Ganci said Debek “received extensive training as a bomb-maker, has a high degree of technical sophistication in the area, and was trained in techniques and methods similar to those used to construct the improvised explosive device used in Hezbollah’s 2012 Burgas, Bulgaria, bus bombing.”

According to the statement, Debek told FBI agents that he was familiar with the 2012 Hezbollah attack on the Israeli tour bus in Burgas and that the bomber Husseini was connected to his family (his aunt’s nephew). Debek identified a photograph of Husseini and said that he knew of Husseini’s membership in Hezbollah’s External Security unit, “the same unit in which Debek said he was a member.”

Farah and Hassan have not been taken into custody despite Interpol search warrants being issued against them.

THE TRIAL, which is being held in absentia of the defendants, was delayed for years, partially in order for the numerous Israeli families involved to gather evidence and coordinate their efforts, and partially because of changes in Bulgarian law.

There was also a delay with the court hearing and a rejection of a request to hear Israeli witnesses in Israel without the need to travel to Bulgaria. The Israeli victims and their families are represented by lawyer Yaki Rand.

The trial finally commenced on January 17 with a number of Bulgarian witnesses talking about the events surrounding the attack.

Even as Hezbollah’s role and the more serious terrorism offenses were left out of the indictment, the Bulgarian prosecutor made statements to the press on January 17 emphasizing the terrorist side to the case.

Sources have indicated that this continues the prosecutor’s fine line of vaguely acknowledging some terrorism in the case as a matter of maintaining minimal credibility, considering it was a major bombing event, but omitting Hezbollah’s involvement.

Why has Bulgaria’s prosecution decided to keep Hezbollah out of the case in contradiction of its former ministers, the EU and the US? Why did the specific prosecutor on the case say he did not receive any evidence about Hezbollah? Could that mean that higher-ups did not pass on all of the evidence to him? Are the motivations part of a problematic cover-up, either ideological or based on fear of retaliation from Hezbollah, or might they be related to issues of maintaining the secrecy of intelligence sources or some more understandable reason? These questions remain unanswered, but the ongoing trial, with its next date set for February 6, may continue to shed light on the issue even as the prosecution seems intent on burying it.


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Anti-Semitic incidents in Britain at all-time high for 2nd straight year

Anti-Semitic incidents in Britain at all-time high for 2nd straight year

JTA


Watchdog records 1,382 cases, including 145 violent assaults; attacks on Jews in Manchester up 25%, but decrease seen in London

A swastika and the word “kikes” spray painted on the Leeds Etz Chaim Synagogue sign (UK Jewish News)

The number of anti-Semitic attacks recorded in the United Kingdom rose slightly in 2017 to 1,382 cases, marking a new all-time record.

The 3 percent increase in 2017 over the previous year was recorded in the annual report of the Community Security Trust, or CST, which is British Jewry’s largest watchdog on anti-Semitism.

In the report published Thursday, CST recorded a 34-percent increase in the number of violent anti-Semitic assaults, from 108 in 2016 to 145 in 2017.

The most common single type of incident recorded by CST in 2017 involved verbal abuse randomly directed at visibly Jewish people in public, accounting for a quarter of the annual tally, or 356 incidents.

CST has recorded anti-Semitic incidents since 1984. In 2013, the watchdog recorded only 535 incidents. That figure more than doubled in 2014, when Israel launched a military campaign against Hamas in Gaza. The 2015 tally comprised 960 incidents, followed by an increase to 1,346 cases in 2016.

In 420 cases recorded last year, witnesses gave descriptions of the alleged perpetrators. In those cases, 57 percent were described as Europeans and 25 percent as Arab or black.

There have been some improvements in the reporting of anti-Semitic incidents which may have contributed to the continued increase in incident numbers, CST said. The increase in reporting may have owed in part to how allegations of anti-Semitism in the Labor Party, which were widespread in 2016, continued into 2017. “Therefore, antisemitism has attracted public debate and been reported on extensively in the national media,” CST noted in its report.

Much of the 2017 increase in incidents owed to their growing prevalence in Manchester, home to the kingdom’s second-largest Jewish community.

London chapter of the Shomrim Jewish neighborhood-watch organization at scene of anti-Semitic attack in Stamford Hill, November 2017. (Screenshot: Twitter via JTA)

In the Greater Manchester area, CST recorded 261 incidents in 2017 compared to 206 in 2016, an increase of 27 percent. Meanwhile, incidents in London dropped by 7 percent in 2017 to a total of 773.

One incident included in the report occurred in July in Hertfordshire, north of London. A group of visibly Jewish boys were followed by a group of boys and girls who shouted repeatedly, “I’m Hitler. I’m gonna gas you.”

In another, a group of young Jewish schoolchildren were physically and verbally attacked on a bus coming home from school in January 2017. They sat on the top deck of the bus when they were confronted by a group of teenagers, who persistently asked the victims if they were Jewish, if they attended a Jewish school and why they were not wearing “those silly hats,” according to the CST report. The attackers then hit, kicked and punched the Jewish schoolchildren, who tried to get the attention of the bus driver but were ignored and remained trapped on the bus as the violence continued.


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