Archive | 2018/11/06

Irena Lasota: Dwie zawady dla Trumpa

Irena Lasota: Dwie zawady dla Trumpa

Irena Lasota


Fotorzepa, Darek Golik

Na kilka dni przed wyborami do Kongresu Ameryka przeżywa szok za szokiem. Kilkanaście bomb rozesłanych do osób wymienianych przez prezydenta Trumpa jako jego przeciwnicy, morderstwo w synagodze w Pittsburghu, gorączka przedwyborcza – to wszystko tak różni się od marazmu sprzed kilku lat i od zagrożeń, którymi od dwóch lat prezydent Donald Trump karmił swoich zwolenników: Ameryka musi stać się na powrót silna, musi obronić się przed przeciwnikami otaczającymi nas ze wszystkich stron.

Z zewnątrz grozi nam Unia Europejska, Kanada, terroryści islamscy i imigranci z Meksyku i Ameryki Centralnej oraz Południowej. Od czasu do czasu przeciwnikami okazują się Rosja, Korea Północna czy Chiny, ale czasami płynnie przechodzą na pozycje przyjaciół. Od wewnątrz największym zagrożeniem są demokraci, a wśród nich George Soros, Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi i Maxine Waters.

Dla Trumpa USA nie jest po prostu zagrożoną twierdzą, ale twierdzą, w której jest już koń trojański, z którego wyskakują uzbrojeni wojownicy. Demokraci, nie tylko ich wybrani liderzy, ale wszyscy, którzy ich popierają, chcą zguby Ameryki. George Soros zebrał i opłacił „armię najeźdźców”, którzy jak Hunowie zaleją naszą cywilizację chrześcijańską. Ponieważ owi Hunowie są jednak pobożnymi katolikami z Gwatemali, Hondurasu czy Salwadoru, Trump twierdzi, że ich szeregi zasilają bandyci z najstraszniejszego gangu na świecie, MS13, czyli Mara Salvatrucha 13, i – oczywiście – terroryści z Bliskiego Wschodu.

Nie ma na to żadnych dowodów i każdy może sprawdzić, że przepływ gangsterów M13 odbywa się bez kłopotów tunelami, a terroryści islamscy, jak na przykład większość z tych, którzy dokonali zamachu 11 września 2001 roku, przylecieli na ważne wizy z Arabii Saudyjskiej, jednego z najważniejszych partnerów strategicznych Stanów Zjednoczonych. „Armia najeźdźców” idzie na piechotę ponad tysiąc kilometrów i ci, którzy dojdą na granicę meksykańsko-amerykańską, dotrą tu za kilka tygodni, ale czekać na nich będzie 5 tysięcy amerykańskich żołnierzy wezwanych do działania na tydzień przed wyborami. W Stanach nie obowiązuje nic w rodzaju ciszy wyborczej i prezydent Trump miał zaplanowaną wielką ofensywę medialną na rzecz Partii Republikańskiej. Bo Trump – od początku właściwie – uznał, że nie jest prezydentem wszystkich obywateli USA, ale tylko tych, którzy go entuzjastycznie popierają.

Niestety – dla Trumpa – pochód Partii Republikańskiej do odparcia ataku Partii Demokratycznej na Kongres napotkał dwie nieprzewidziane przeszkody – jak Napoleon czy Hitler w marszu na Moskwę. Jedna z nich to Cesar Altieri Sayoc Jr z Florydy, urodzony w Brooklynie z filipińsko-włoskich rodziców. Mały przestępca i mitoman, utrzymujący czasami, że był piłkarzem AC Milan, a czasami, że był striptizerem. To on rozesłał 15 (może więcej, ale poczta w USA chodzi dosyć nieregularnie) bomb do przeciwników Trumpa. Najprawdopodobniej konstruował te bomby w swoim vanie, oblepionym ze wszystkich stron plakatami i ulotkami głoszącymi chwałę obecnego prezydenta.

Drugą zawadą na drodze do triumfu Trumpa jest Robert Bowers, który w ataku na synagogę w Pittsburghu zabił 11 osób. Trump i jego otoczenie energicznie zwracali uwagę, że Bowers nie był bezkrytyczny wobec Trumpa i że zięć, troje wnuków i nawet córka Trumpa Iwanka są religijnymi Żydami. Bowers rzeczywiście krytykował czasami Trumpa, ale za to, że nie jest dość silny w obronie przed żydowskimi mackami, które go oplatają.

Zarówno Cesar Altieri Sayoc, jak i Robert Bowers nie przypominają z wyglądu ani Latynosów, ani Lewantyńczyków. Przeciwnie, można by powiedzieć. Ktoś zwrócił uwagę, że obaj mają wygląd typowych entuzjastów Trumpa z wieców, które przypominają czasami seanse nienawiści. I rzeczywiście, na jednym z kadrów z wieców odnaleziono Cesara Altieri Sayoca, który wypina muskuły i wykrzykuje groźby pod adresem prasy, zwanej przez Trumpa „wrogami ludu”.

Niestety – dalszy ciąg nastąpi.


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Why The Hollywood Blacklist Is A Jewish Story

Why The Hollywood Blacklist Is A Jewish Story

Ellie Gettinger


It started three years ago. I was the lone staff member welcoming guests to Jewish Museum Milwaukee (JMM) on an Air Show Sunday. It had been a pretty slow day. My office was filled with the droning of jet engines, and people who weren’t into watching the Blue Angels were avoiding the Milwaukee Lakefront. I could have been organizing my desk or getting ahead on group visitor outreach, but instead I checked Facebook where I discovered a preview for “Trumbo,” the Bryan Cranston movie about blacklisted screenwriter Dalton Trumbo.

The short teaser transported me, not to Hollywood in the 1950s but to rural Tennessee in the 1990s. In my high school, I was one of two Jews (the other was my sister). I was used to being different, but I argued hard for liberal viewpoints in class discussions. During senior year, when the time came for me to select a research paper topic, I chose the Hollywood Blacklist. It appealed to me for both entertainment and political content, but also because it was an opportunity for me to research something that I would have never studied in school.

The Hollywood Blacklist started in 1947 after the House Un-American Activities Committee convened hearings to address potential Communist subversion in the film industry. Movie executives, stars, and screenwriters testified, including Ronald Reagan,Walt Disney and Louis B. Mayer. The ten people who refused to testify and were labeled unfriendly witnesses became known as the Hollywood Ten. They all had been members of the Communist Party, and cited the First Amendment as a defense in the Hearings. Movie studios, under financial pressure and the threat of boycotts, met to discuss the HUAC Hearings and issued a statement saying, “We will not knowingly employ a Communist or a member of any party or group which advocates the overthrow of the government of the United States by force or by any illegal or unconstitutional methods.” The Hollywood Ten lost their jobs and as HUAC expanded the Hearings in the 1950s, hundreds of suspected Communists were impacted.

My initial assumption was that someone else must have already created a Blacklist exhibit, and JMM could bring it to Milwaukee, but I could find only one exhibit that had been mounted about the Hollywood Blacklist — a 2002 temporary exhibit by the Academy of Motion Pictures Arts & Sciences, which had been fully dismantled. As luck would have it, JMM was perfectly positioned to fill this void. One of the largest Blacklist-related archives resides at the Wisconsin Center for Film & Theater Research, part of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, which became an important partner in starting this research. Theater professor Robert Hethmon took the initiative right as the Blacklist was starting to erode, contacting blacklistees to preserve their papers. Six of the ten Hollywood Ten have archives there; Kirk Douglas’ archive related to the making of “Spartacus” is there, and so is Trumbo’s archive.

I felt that this was a story that a Jewish museum should be telling, highlighting the challenges of assimilation, achievement and political pressure. I pitched this exhibit to my colleagues and board of directors as an opportunity to explore a story with Jewish connections that would allow us to pursue big questions around challenges to civil liberties and diverse ideas of what it means to be American. Jews are central to this story. Six (John Howard Lawson, Alvah Bessie, Herbert Biberman, Lester Cole, Albert Maltz and Samuel Ornitz) of the Hollywood Ten — the first ten men called before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1947 — were Jewish. The film executives who voted to prohibit those like the Ten from working were predominately Jewish as well.

This exhibit focuses on the politics of fear that drove the HUAC Hearings and Hollywood’s response, creating a short film that approaches the context of the hearings. The exhibit has three main foci — establishing the history of the time period, exploring what the FBI considered Communist subversion in film, and examine the personal toll of the blacklist through the experiences of those who were blacklisted.

In thinking about the relevance of the Hollywood Blacklist at the outset in the summer of 2015, I felt that there were (and remain) interesting connections to Islamaphobia, the impact of the PATRIOT Act, and social media mob justice. The political landscape today is markedly different from the one in which I started.

Since the 2016 presidential election, references, comparisons and connections to the Red Scare have multiplied. I have had Google Alerts running on the words “HUAC” and “Hollywood Blacklist” since I started this project; since the election, the number has skyrocketed. The Blacklist is connected to diverse issues ranging from climate change to #MeToo, from Trump’s use of the word “witchhunt” in reference to the Russia investigation to the perception of American institutions infiltrated by forces disloyal to the administration.There is also a parallel to the saga of Colin Kaepernick. Kaepernick is currently involved in a legal struggle with the National Football League alleging that collusion has kept him out of the league after he began kneeling to bring attention to the Black Lives Matter movement. Kaepernick is at the center of a culture war, unable to work, but able to get high profile endorsement deals — a pariah to some and a martyr to others. As was the case with the blacklistees of the 1950s, Kaepernick’s detractors question his talent. Yet the divided nature of the media today enables him to be lionized by the left in a more public sphere than those who were blacklisted.At its core, this exhibit seeks to explore the period and challenges of the Blacklist to provide context for the central questions that we are facing today. While the balance between national security and personal freedom, questions of loyalty, and the obstacles to resistance are all important themes, the one that resonates the most with me is the question of patriotism. Those on the Committee and many of those who testified before it, saw this as a fulfillment of their patriotic duty. Ronald Reagan quoted the founders in his testimony saying “I believe that, as Thomas Jefferson put it, if all the American people know all of the facts they will never make a mistake.

”At the same time, those who refused to testify also saw themselves as part of the tradition of American truth-tellers. Hollywood Ten Member Albert Maltz, in his statement before HUAC, also invoked Jefferson, “Why else does the Committee now seek to destroy me and others? Because of our ideas, unquestionably. In 1801, when he was President of the United States, Thomas Jefferson wrote: Opinion, and the just maintenance of it, shall never be a crime in my view; nor bring injury to the individual.” Both supporters and opponents of HUAC claim they are the descendents of American values and ideals.We are in an increasingly divided country and the inability to communicate and compromise overwhelms the political process and polarizes communities.

This sensibility did not start or end with the Red Scare, but schisms that emerged continue to plague our political system. In thinking about correctives, I go back to Republican Senator Margaret Chase Smith (Maine), who responded to her colleague Joseph McCarthy (Wisconsin). The HUAC Hearings predate McCarthy’s famous 1950 speech alleging Communist infiltration in the State Department and Hollywood is never his focus.

Using the same political rhetoric, McCarthy became the towering figure of the time. Smith attempts to neutralize his rhetoric four years before he was censured by the Senate, saying, “It is high time that we stopped thinking politically as Republicans and Democrats about elections and started thinking patriotically as Americans about national security based on individual freedom. It is high time that we all stopped being tools and victims of totalitarian techniques-techniques that, if continued here unchecked, will surely end what we have come to cherish as the American way of life.”“Blacklist:

The Hollywood Red Scare” will be open through February 10, 2019. I marvel as I watch visitors of all stripes unpack the time period. There are so many lessons to gain from understanding this time period. I am heartened by the fact that the country emerged from the Red Scare and while redbaiting continued to be a recurring political rallying cry until the fall of Communism, it did not have the same power. The Hollywood Blacklist crumbled; talented people continued to work, despite the restriction on their employment. The Blacklist eventually caved under pressure from judicial challenges and the free market system. The country emerges, but the Blacklist and the continued politics of fear continue to cast a long shadow.


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Don’t Pray For Pittsburgh Victims

Orthodox Rabbi: Don’t Pray For Pittsburgh Victims Because They Were Conservative Jews

Aiden Pink


Rabbi Mordechai Aderet

An Orthodox rabbi said that Jews should not pray for the victims of the Pittsburgh synagogue massacre because they were killed while praying in a Conservative synagogue.

“Somebody came over to me and told me today that he got an email that people should go gather someplace here in town to give the Shema for those 11 people who got killed,” Rabbi Mordechai Aderet said during a taped sermon last Sunday, which has been viewed more than 11,000 times on Facebook. “And I still said, I heard it’s a Conservative shul, I heard people drove on Shabbat, and I don’t think people should join these things.”

Aderet also criticized the circumcision ceremony of a gay couple’s son that he believed took place on that day.

“This is a brit milah [ceremony] in a Conservative shul and the two men adopted the boy and did the brit milah, and you wonder why there was a massacre?” asked Rabbi Mordechai Aderet

“I’m not sorry for this disaster,” he added. “You attend a brit milah of two men?

HaRav Aderet on the massacre Rabbi Yosef Mizrachi Rav Mordehi RahminovHaRav Yosef Mizrachi Mordachai Rachminov

Publicerat av Rav Yosef Mizrachi Söndag 28 oktober 2018

 

The widely-spread story that the massacre took place during a brit milah, let alone the brit milah of a gay couple’s son, is not true, according to Pittsburgh Jewish community members.

He also opposed people saying Pslams, or Tehillim, for the dead, as is customary in Jewish tradition.

“This is not Tehillim, this is spitting in Hashem’s [God’s] face. And you like it or you don’t like it, that’s the emet [truth],” he said, adding, “Those people do not let Moshiach [the Messiah] come. If you don’t go on the straight… thing, Hashem won’t bring the Moshiach.”

Aderet’s words were condemned by other Orthodox rabbis, who praised the victims as martyrs worthy of respect and prayer despite their lesser forms of observance.

Aderet previously made news in 2010 when, according to the New York Jewish Week, he stormed in uninvited to a Jewish child’s first birthday party and screamed at those in attendance for engaging in mixed dancing. He allegedly said that those who remained at the party would be cursed with “illness, bankruptcy and tragedy for eternity,” according to a document signed by witnesses.


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