Archive | December 2022

Intelektualiści, politycy i zagubiony suweren

Herb Uniwersytetu Harvarda (Źródło: Wikipedia)


Intelektualiści, politycy i zagubiony suweren

Andrzej Koraszewski


Amerykański autor analizuje ewolucję amerykańskich intelektualistów. Intelektualiści to zazwyczaj ludzie spoza świata polityki, pisarze mający wpływ na elity i na decydentów, rzadziej na szeroko rozumiane społeczeństwo, chociaż na dłuższą metę wpływają również na losy narodów. Rzadko, ale zdarzało się, że król, prezydent czy premier był również intelektualistą, Platon chciał całą władzę oddać w ręce filozofów, ale wyszło jak w Związku Radzieckim, gdzie cała władza miała pójść w ręce rad, ale została w rękach jednego intelektualisty, którego geniuszu nikt nie ważył się kwestionować.

Prorok, myśliciel, intelektualista – projektant mody intelektualnej. Intelektualiści to od czasów starożytnych kapłani, filozofowie, poeci – czyli ludzie zajmujący się słowną obróbką rzeczywistości.            

Dla Europejczyków określenie amerykański intelektualista to niemal oksymoron, bo niby skąd arystokracja ducha w plebejskim narodzie? Mieli garść intelektualistów wśród swoich prezydentów, poczynając  od Thomasa Jeffersona i Benjamina Franklina do Baracka Obamy. Nie o tych intelektualistach pisze jednak Russell Jacoby, historyk amerykańskiej kultury akademickiej w XX wieku. Urodzony w 1945 roku, o akademickiej kulturze swojego pokolenia pisze:

Byliśmy [w latach 60.] znacznie bardziej radykalni niż poprzedni amerykańscy intelektualiści. Byliśmy lewicowcami, maoistami, marksistami, trzecioświatowcami, anarchistami i protestującymi, którzy regularnie blokowali naukę w imię wojny w Wietnamie, wolności słowa lub równości rasowej. Jednak pomimo tego całego uniwersyteckiego wiecowania, w przeciwieństwie do wcześniejszych intelektualistów, nigdy nie opuszczaliśmy kampusu. Zadomowiliśmy się. Zostaliśmy doktorantami, adiunktami i w końcu – niektórzy z nas – czołowymi postaciami w swoich dyscyplinach naukowych.

Liczba studentów na uniwersytetach wzrastała w lawinowym tempie, puchły szeregi kandydatów do tytułu intelektualisty. O ile wcześniej aspirant przenosił się po studiach w pobliże salonów artystycznej bohemy, próbował się wkręcić do stowarzyszeń filozoficznych i do kawiarni dziennikarskiej śmietanki, teraz jego/jej przeznaczeniem stała się akademicka kariera.  

Jak pisze Jacoby, jeśli w latach 50. amerykańskie uniwersytety zdominowane były przez politycznych konserwatystów, a lewicowych wykładowców można było policzyć na palcach, w ciągu 30 lat mapa postaw i poglądów wykładowców uniwersyteckich radykalnie się zmieniła. Wiele konferencji naukowych miało teraz marksizm jako temat obrad, zaś kampusy zalały pisma takie jak Studies on the LeftRadical TeacherRadical AmericaInsurgent SociologistRadical Economists

Zabawne, bo jak pisze Russell Jacoby, początkowo lęk przed tym zalewem radykałów wydawał się nieuzasadniony, ponieważ w odróżnieniu od wcześniejszych fal intelektualistów, którzy chcieli trafić do szerszej publiczności, ci byli nastawieni na własne środowisko, pisali swoje artykuły odpychającym żargonem i udawali, że uprawiają naukę.

Przykład stylu tej nowej „nauki” autor prezentuje cytując zdanie z pracy profesorki z Berkeley, Judith Butler:

Przejście od strukturalistycznego ujęcia, w którym kapitał jest rozumiany jako strukturyzujący stosunki społeczne w relatywnie homologiczny sposób, do poglądu na hegemonię, w którym stosunki władzy podlegają powtarzaniu, zbieżności i ponownej artykulacji, wprowadziło kwestię czasowości do myślenia o strukturze i zaznaczyło się przejściem od formy teorii Althussera, która traktuje totalności strukturalne jako obiekty teoretyczne, do takiej, w której wgląd w przypadkową możliwość struktury inauguruje odnowioną koncepcję hegemonii jako powiązanej z przypadkowymi miejscami i strategiami ponownej artykulacji władzy.

Wielu traktowało to zjawisko jako mało szkodliwe, ograniczone do wydziałów humanistycznych, bez większego wpływu na edukację młodego pokolenia.

Okazała się jednak, że ta bełkotliwa pseudonauka urzekała tłumy aspirantów do tytułu intelektualisty. Nowe pokolenie intelektualistów posługiwało się zbitkami postępowego żargonu, którego można się było szybko i bez wysiłku nauczyć.     

Wzrost liczby studentów na uniwersytetach jednak wyhamował i dla kolejnych roczników świeżo upieczonych  intelektualistów perspektywa akademickiej kariery niepomiernie zmalała. Hordy absolwentów psychologii, socjologii, gender studies, radykalnego odczytywania historii czy marksistowskiej teorii kina rzuciły się jak piranie na rynek pracy.      

Trafiali do redakcji tradycyjnych mediów, jeszcze częściej do korporacji takich jak Google, Facebook, YouTube, Twitter i inne, do rządowych agencji i różnych NGO. Wszędzie nieśli ze sobą wyniesiony z uniwersytetu żargon i zapał do zastępowania argumentów logicznych emocjonalnymi, lub jak to ktoś określił „zastępowali logikę wrażliwością nieczułą na rzeczywistość”.    

Młodzi specjaliści z dziedziny narratologii i płynności wszystkiego zaczęli dominować szeroko pojętą kulturę, zmieniając ją w pole walki z wrogami klasowymi. Dramatyczne zachwaszczenie języka prowadzi do spłycenia każdej myśli i coraz bardziej wypiera umiejętność i chęć prowadzenia merytorycznej dyskusji, prezentacji i analizy faktów, wyciągania logicznych wniosków. Klasyczne założenie, że nikt nie ma 100 procent racji, a nasz własny umysł często wprowadza nas w błąd, stało się godną stanowczego potępienia herezją.

    

Kiedy pracownicy protestują twierdząc, że czują się zagrożeni, ponieważ ich firma opublikowała obraźliwy artykuł lub książkę, nawet bez badań domyślamy się, jakie studia ukończyli. Kiedy usuwa się słowo „kobiety” z literatury dotyczącej planowania rodziny z wyjaśnieniem: „Czas wycofać terminy ‘opieka zdrowotna kobiet’ i ‘prawo kobiety do wyboru’… te wyrażenia wymazują osoby transpłciowe i niebinarne, które dokonują aborcji”, nie mamy wątpliwości jaki jest rodowód tych mądrości.

Zadufani profesorowie wykształcili przekonanych o własnej nieomylności studentów, którzy wyszli na agorę – pisze Russell Jacoby. – Ci pierwsi prosperowali w swoich uniwersyteckich enklawach, urzekając się wzajemnie swoją błyskotliwością, ale resztę z nas zostawili w spokoju. Ci drudzy, ich uczniowie, stanowią jednak katastrofę intelektualną i polityczną, gdy wchodzą na rynek pracy. Stają się amerykańską wersją starych sowieckich aparatczyków, funkcjonariuszy realizujących partyjną politykę na polu kultury. Fetyszyzują modne słowa (takie jak: różnorodność, marginalność, różnica władzy, przywilej białych, bezpieczeństwo grupowe, hegemonia, płynność płci i cała reszta), które nakładają na wszystko możliwe. 

Niszczą tradycyjną, liberalną lewicę i coraz częściej sprowadzają do swojego poziomu przeciwników, ponieważ radykalizacja odrzuca dialog, a spory zmieniają się w emocjonalne starcia, w których nie ma miejsca na racjonalne argumenty.

Nadal obserwujemy pogłębiający się dramat wykoślawienia szkolnictwa wyższego. Skutki tego trwającego od dłuższego czasu dramatu przeniosły się na inne pola, zmieniają arenę polityczną w boisko, na którym toczą się starcia wartych siebie intelektualistów z lewa i z prawa, którym tożsamość już dawno temu odebrała rozum. Ci z prawej karmią się niemal wyłącznie wypocinami lewicowych postępowców, a ta dieta kieruje ich do trampoliny wyrzucającej ich na przepastne wyżyny lustrzanego zidiocenia.

Tymczasem, elektorat, zwany czasem suwerenem, jest coraz bardziej zagubiony, próbując wybrać między Scyllą paranoi i Charybdą schizofrenii swoich pasterzy.    


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Silver coins found near Temple Mount prove Jewish history of Israel

Silver coins found near Temple Mount prove Jewish history of Israel

JUDY SIEGEL-ITZKOVICH


“This is the third coin of this type found in excavations in Jerusalem, and one of the few ever found in archeological excavations,” said the researchers.
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Half-shekel coin from the third year of the Great Revolt.
(photo credit: Tal Rogovski)

A rare, half-shekel coin from the Great Revolt from 66 CE to 70 CE during the Second Temple period has been discovered in Jerusalem’s Ophel excavations south of the Temple Mount.

Only a few days ago, a wooden box containing 15 silver coins that serve as proof of the Hanukkah story of the Maccabees – which was found recently during an excavation in the Negev Desert – was announced.

The Ophel – or citadel – is the still-extant Herodian, cased-in Temple Mount bordered to the south by a saddle, followed by the ridge known as the southeastern hill that stretches down to the King’s Garden and the lower Siloam Pool. Two kings of Judah, Yotam and Manasseh, are described in the Book of 2 Chronicles to have massively strengthened the Ophel fortifications and was either very close to or identical with the “stronghold of Zion” conquered and reused by King David.

In the destruction layer, dozens of Jewish coins were found from the period of the Great Revolt, most of them made of bronze. They also included a particularly rare and unusual find – a silver coin in a half-shekel denomination originating from 69/70 CE.

A wooden box containing 15 silver coins from the Maccabean period was discovered in the Judean Desert earlier this year, and will be put on display in the Hasmonean Museum in Modi’in, December 13, 2022. (credit: SHAI HALEVI / ISRAEL ANTIQUITIES AUTHORITY)

The dig was carried out by a team from the Hebrew University (HU), led by Prof. Uzi Leibner of the Institute of Archaeology, in partnership with Armstrong College in Edmond, Oklahoma, and with the support of the East Jerusalem Development Company, the Israel Antiquities Authority and the Israel Nature and Parks Authority. 

The rare silver coin was cleaned at the conservation lab of the Institute of Archaeology and identified by Dr. Yoav Farhi, the team’s numismatic expert and curator of the Kadman Numismatic Pavilion at the Eretz Israel Museum in Tel Aviv. Silver coins from the Great Revolt were the first and the last in ancient times to bear the title “shekel,” the archaeologist said. “The next time this name was used was in 1980, on Israeli shekel coins produced by the Bank of Israel.”

“This is the third coin of this type found in excavations in Jerusalem, and one of the few ever found in archeological excavations,” said the researchers.

During the Great Revolt against Rome, the Jews in Jerusalem minted bronze and silver coins. Most of the silver coins featured a goblet on one side, with ancient Hebrew script above it noting the year of the Revolt. Depending on its denomination, the coins also included an inscription around the border noting either, “Israel Shekel,” “Half-Shekel” or “Quarter-Shekel.” The other side of these coins showcased a branch with three pomegranates, surrounded by an inscription in ancient Hebrew script, “Holy Jerusalem.”

The production of silver coins

Throughout the Roman era, the authority to produce silver coins was reserved solely for the emperor. During the Revolt, the minting of coins, especially those made of silver, was a political statement and an expression of national liberation from Roman rule by the Jewish rebels. In fact, throughout the Roman period leading up to the Revolt, no silver coins were minted by Jews, not even during the rule of King Herod the Great.

According to the researchers, half-shekel coins with an average weight of seven grams were also used to pay the “half-shekel” tax to the Temple, contributed annually by every Jewish adult male to help cover the costs of worship.

“Until the revolt, it was customary to pay the half-shekel tax using good-quality silver coins minted in Tyre in Lebanon, known as Tyrean shekels or Tyrean half-shekels,” said Farhi. These coins held the image of Herakles-Melqart, the principal deity of Tyre, and on the reverse, they featured an eagle surrounded by a Greek inscription, “Tyre the holy and City of refuge.” The silver coins produced by the rebels were intended to also serve as a replacement for the Tyrean coins, by using more appropriate inscriptions and replacing images forbidden by the Second Commandment with symbols. 


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Muslim Brotherhood Succession Crisis Deepens

Muslim Brotherhood Succession Crisis Deepens

Hany Ghoraba


Egyptian protesters and Muslim Brotherhood members shout slogans against President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and the government during a demonstration protesting the government’s decision to transfer two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia, in front of the Press Syndicate in Cairo, Egypt, April 15, 2016. Photos: REUTERS/Amr Abdallah Dalsh

The Nov. 4 death of the Muslim Brotherhood’s acting general guide, Ibrahim Munir, triggered a new internal power struggle.

At the moment, there are three factions struggling to control the Muslim Brotherhood, and they all operate outside of Egypt: one residing in Britain, and two others operating from Istanbul. The London faction, once led by Munir, is now led by Mohei El-din El Zayet. One Istanbul faction is led by Mahmoud Hussein, and the other operating from Istanbul is the “Current of Change” faction. Each claims to be the legitimate representative of the Muslim Brotherhood group and its goals.

Before his death, Munir declared that the Muslim Brotherhood no longer would seek political power in Egypt. In contrast, the Istanbul factions reject that stance. After Munir’s death, the group’s London faction immediately declared its leader, El Zayet, as acting guide. In response, the Istanbul-based faction announced Mahmoud Hussein is the new acting guide.

“The Muslim Brotherhood group realizes that the youth boys and girls are its present tools, the power of the group, the hope, its glory makers, the safety valve for its continuity and the name of its future,” Hussein said in a Nov. 20 speech to members. “That’s why the group is working on preparing and qualifying a generation of youth leaders who [are] completely qualified in all professions and able to lead the group toward a safe transition into the second centennial for the group, God willing.”

The feud cannot be settled anytime soon. It requires a general assembly vote, something difficult to arrange with members behind bars or in exile.

Egypt considers El Zayet a terrorist; he was sentenced to six years in prison by a military court in absentia for a number of terrorism related cases involving a terrorist cell known as the “Helwan Brigades.” Helwan Brigades attacks in 2014-15 killed five police officers and destroyed a number of electrical towers. El-Zayet was charged with coordinating various brigade groups.

Similar power struggles within the Brotherhood ignited earlier in 2013, following the arrest of General Guide Mohamed Badie. He later was sentenced to life in prison after being convicted of multiple charges relating to a mass prison breakout and killing of police officers.

Brotherhood bylaws say a vacancy should be filled by the oldest known free member of the group. Many are claiming that it is Ibrahim Munir.

Munir was credited with keeping the global Muslim Brotherhood group intact after it was banned in EgyptSaudi ArabiaUnited Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Jordan.

Munir persuaded the British Parliament in 2016 not to ban the Muslim Brotherhood or label it as a terrorist entity. He told a British Parliament committee that Sharia laws tolerate apostates and homosexuals, which contradict the teachings of Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna.

But both Munir and Hussein opposed as potential leaders the Current of Change faction, which is comprised mostly of the group’s youth, who see the old guard as too old and entrenched. This faction is also known as “The Third Wave” and “The New Kamalists,” referring to Mohamed Kamal, a deceased founder of the group. The Current of Change organized a convention in Istanbul last October coinciding with the anniversary of Kamal’s death.

Kamal masterminded a number of terrorist activities in Egypt before being killed by Egyptian security in 2016 after a short battle at his hideout in Cairo. The Change movement believes in restoring the tenets set by the group founder Hassan al-Banna and its ideologue and terrorism mastermind, Sayyid Qutb. These tenets include fighting apostate governments and ousting rulers by force as a form of jihad. Qutb believed in forcing sharia laws into societies and replacing civic laws.

The Current of Change faction issued a charter during its first official meeting in Istanbul. It indicates that the group is willing to resume terrorist activities in Egypt, according to Sky News Arabia. It shuns any reconciliation or rapprochement efforts with the Egyptian government.

“All options are open to the use of force and violence, and the need to release prisoners,” the charter said.

It also called for “the end of the era of centralization within the [Brotherhood] and the reliance on decentralization,” seen as a statement that it would not follow the London or Istanbul factions.

These positions contradict Munir’s statement that the Muslim Brotherhood no longer seeks power in Egypt.

Another possible candidate is 80-year-old Mohamed El-Beheiry, who lives in Turkey. His supporters claim that he is the oldest member of the Muslim Brotherhood. He was part of the notorious cell known as the “Organization 65,” which was headed by Sayyid Qutb and also included Badie.

Organization 65 carried out a number of assassination attempts targeting then-President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and launched other coordinated attacks in an effort to topple the Egyptian government. Egyptian authorities dismantled the group in 1965, sentencing a number of its members — including Qutb — to death.

El-Beheiry was one Munir’s many enemies and participated in an attempted coup against him in October 2021. In response, Munir suspended El-Beheiry and a number of his accomplices.

El-Beheiry’s potential rise as the next acting general guide would deepen the rift between the Muslim Brotherhood factions. Younger members feel that they are being ignored and treated as cannon fodder in their leaders’ battle with the Egyptian state.


Investigative Project on Terrorism (IPT) Senior Fellow Hany Ghoraba is an Egyptian writer, political and counter-terrorism analyst at Al Ahram Weekly, author of Egypt’s Arab Spring: The Long and Winding Road to Democracy and a regular contributor to the BBC. A version of this article was originally published by IPT.


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On Jewish Vulgarity

On Jewish Vulgarity

DAVID MIKICS


With John Murray Cuddihy’s ‘The Ordeal of Civility’ and Yuri Slezkine’s ‘The Jewish Century,’ Tablet begins a three-part look at the once-vibrant Jewish trait of not caring what the goyim think.
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WIKIPEDIA

The charge that Jews are vulgar now seems almost quaint, since antisemites have heavier weapons in their repertoire, like calling Jews settler colonialists, white racist warmongers, and bloodsucking masters of Hollywood and the entire universe alike. Yet Jewish lack of manners was once taken seriously both by Jews and by their gentile neighbors and competitors. The vulgar, unmannerly Jew was a countercultural force, and not just a reason for shame and repression.

It took a lapsed Irish Catholic CUNY sociologist named John Murray Cuddihy to make the case for Jewish vulgarity, in his book The Ordeal of Civility, published in 1974. The Ordeal of Civility, which is something of a cult classic, is long out of print. In its time the book was notorious: Here was a non-Jew talking about vulgar Jews, as if this were a real thing. Clapping the lid over such a shonda was the primary task of some reviewers, who hinted that Cuddihy must be an antisemite.

It is bad manners to talk about Jewish bad manners the way Cuddihy did— and even more so today than 50 years ago. But his book made a powerful case that Cuddihy did not see vulgarity as a flaw but instead as a weapon Jews used to disrupt gentile society—for which he admired them. Jews deployed their rudeness to make a principled argument against the goyim (a word Cuddihy didn’t shy away from), who were cultural prisoners of a hypocritical code that swept unruly emotions under the rug and leaned on polite euphemism to conceal the vampiric nature of capitalist exploitation. The grand Marxist and Freudian theories about the human condition have a crude Jewish impulse at their core, Cuddihy argued, which makes them more, not less, compelling.

The Ordeal of Civility revolves around what Cuddihy calls the “unconsummated ritual courtship” between Jews and gentiles. Jewish emancipation was supposed to result in the gentiling of Jewry. But the Jews kept backsliding. In 1922 Walter Lippmann warned his coreligionists that “the Jew is conspicuous, and unless in his own conduct of life he manages to demonstrate the art of moderate, clean and generous living, every failure will magnify itself in woe …” Similarly, African American uplifters said freedom would only arrive when the Black masses threw off their downhome ways, a polemic juicily satirized by Ellison’s Invisible Man. Every recently decolonized people, among whom Cuddihy counts the Jews, is forced to suffer through respectability sermons.

Cuddihy saw that what seemed to outsiders like Jewish brusqueness was actually intimacy. One of Freud’s favorite jokes was about a Jewish railway passenger, alone in his compartment, who has put his feet up on the seat. When a stranger enters, the Jew nervously sits up straight with his feet on the floor. But then the newcomer, flipping through his calendar, asks the Jew “When is Yom Kippur?” and so the Jew, reassured that he is in the presence of a landsmann, puts his feet back up on the seat.

“Eastern European Jewish intimacy … excludes ‘respect,’” Cuddihy comments. He cites the psychoanalyst Theodor Reik, who marvels that in Jewish life “aggression does not produce estrangement but puts an end to it.” 

Cuddihy devotes much of The Ordeal of Civility to Freud, whose interpretive antennae were always alert for inappropriate, overheated emotions (Jewish emotions, says Cuddihy). Erving Goffman, in a passage that Cuddihy quotes, defines the Freudian symptom as “an infraction of a rule regarding affect restraint during daily encounters.” Cuddihy moves on to a description of Amalia Freud, Sigmund’s mother, written by Freud’s son Martin:

These Galician Jews had little grace and no manners, and their women were certainly not what we should call “ladies.” They were highly emotional and easily carried away by their feelings. But, although in many respects they would seem to be untamed barbarians to more civilized people, they, alone of all minorities, stood up to the Nazis. These people are not easy to live with, and grandmother, a true representative of her race, was no exception. She had great vitality and much impatience.

Letting the symptom speak, as Freud tried to do, was tantamount to letting the Jew speak—in this case, Freud’s mother. Amalia Freud’s badgering impatience and outspokenness were anathema to gentile repression.

Freud’s straightforward treatment of sexuality also had Jewish roots, Cuddihy claims. Max Weber saw in Jewish sexual life “the marked diminution of secular lyricism and especially of the erotic sublimation of sexuality.” Jews were bewildered by the goyishe emphasis on prolonged courtship and yearning for the beloved from afar. The shadkhn was down to earth, ready to talk takhles. Let’s get down to business was his or her motto.

At one point, Cuddihy recounts a 1908 visit to Freud by the Swiss gentile psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler and his wife, who both urged Freud to make his doctrine socially acceptable by using a more polite word than sexuality. Cuddihy is convinced that Freud saw Bleuler’s appeal as “religious proselytization: they were offering to perform rhinoplastic surgery on his id (the ‘sexuality’ he discovered behind symptoms). What he heard from these awfully ‘kind’ goyim was: ‘Only change your name, and we’ll accept you. Let us do a nose-job on you, then we’ll accept you (i.e., your id theory, your ‘Yid’) …”

Cuddihy carries on like this to suggest the likeness between his own boldness and that of his Jewish subjects. But he also identifies with the embarrassment that “assimilating ‘exception’ Jewry” felt when faced with scruffy Ostjuden. When he “pass[es] rheumy-eyed ‘Bowery bums’—typically, Irish (all stereotypes are, more or less, accurate),” Cuddihy confessed that he felt “sympathy, fear, shame, dishonesty.” Like most interesting things, vulgarity compels ambivalence.

Cuddihy’s The Ordeal of Civility has its flaws. Cuddihy spends much time detecting, and sometimes inventing, the anxious efforts of Jewish intellectuals and writers to avoid seeming “too Jewish.” Cuddihy doesn’t seem to know that hordes of learned Jews have avidly devoured the high culture of the West without pretending to be gentiles. Think about Egbert Shapiro in Bellow’s Herzog—based on the scholar Ben Nelson, whom Cuddihy quotes—energetically discoursing on Russian Orthodoxy while salivating over a jar of pickled herring. Bad manners signify the Jewish greed for knowledge.

Yuri Slezkine’s virtuosic gospel The Jewish Century (2004) talks back to Cuddihy’s Old Testament. With panache, excitement and mountainous learning, Slezkine makes the case that the modern world required everyone to become a Jew, that is, a “service nomad” well-accustomed to living in the midst of strangers and gauging their needs and desires. Cuddihy wrote about Jews being compelled to emulate non-Jews. But Slezkine described the Judaizing of gentiles. The Jew, like the overseas Chinese, became a model of entrepreneurial flexibility in a new world of buyers and sellers.

Yet Jews and gentiles were still distinct, Slezkine adds, and in their difference a disaster lurked. Non-Jews turned into proud nationalists, while Jews remained rootless. Even after they established their own country they were, and still are, snubbed as nationless colonizers. Nationalists targeted the tawdry, exploitative business Jew, who was a homeless parasite, never a “real” German or Hungarian. And so many Jews looked toward the new internationalist homeland, the Soviet Union, which promised to liberate Jews from the vulgar cash nexus that was their source of shame. 

Socialism for Jews, Slezkine writes, meant (what Marx called):

the “emancipation from haggling and from money, i.e. from practical, real Judaism.” Most radical Jewish memoirists remembered struggling with the twin evils of tradition and “acquisitiveness”: as far as they were concerned, the Jewish tradition was about acquisitiveness. … The Jews, as a group, were the only true Marxists because they were the only ones who truly believed that their nationality was “chimerical”; the only ones who—like Marx’s proletarians but unlike the real ones—had no motherland.

When Jews turned against capitalism, aka Jewish vulgarity, and started to invade the higher echelons of Marxist theory and praxis, they paradoxically brought Talmudic reasoning into the brave new science. Marxist dialectics blatantly depended on hairsplitting, ersatz refinement, and overcoming common sense for the sake of theory. Slezkine notes that both communist and Talmudic exegesis “were built around the division of the world into ‘clean’ and ‘unclean’ spheres, and … both pursued purity by multiplying meaningless rules and by pretending to reconcile them to each other and to the unruly reality of human existence.”

Slezkine busted a taboo by pointing out that Jews were vastly overrepresented in the communist theory vanguard, just as they were in the European nouveau riche. In the Cold War that defined the latter half of the 20th century, pious Americanism battled an equally pious Soviet communism, which was at least partly a Jewish social and intellectual construction, more turgid and far more cruel than the American brand, yet similar in its camera-ready phoniness.

American Jews who clung to their native vulgarity were ready to lampoon everyone’s pieties. The satirical scriptures of the ‘60s, from Mad magazine to Dr. Strangelove to Portnoy’s Complaint, prove that tastelessness was alive and kicking when the global stakes were highest. The one time I saw him, in the 1980s, Abbie Hoffman seemed to me a genuine charismatic, as well as a matchless stand-up comic. Like Lenny Bruce, Mel Brooks or the gang at Mad, he sensed how Jewish vulgarity could explode the sacred cows of genteel society.

Sadly, the Jewish vulgarity celebrated by Cuddihy is no longer seriously provocative or well-tolerated by Jews. Shows like Curb Your Enthusiasm hawk Jewish rudeness for easy laughs, proving that the vulgar Jew has declined from a real threat into an amusing, half-legendary caricature. When confronted with the ongoing cultural hostility toward Jews by gentiles, the Jewish response now is not to blow raspberries and tell better jokes but to crawl, hide or sue. The exuberance of Jewish vulgarity, and the in-group solidarity of the shtetlakh it expressed, are both missing.

Jewish incivility with real bite will probably never return—its historical moment has passed. But the unabashed and often delirious vulgarity that Cuddihy described, which melded Jewish aggression with communal solidarity, self-respect, and a capacious humanity, would be a worthy antidote to today’s toxic online polemics, and to the stale, frozen, and frightened state of the American Jewish culture they target.


David Mikics is the author, most recently, of Stanley Kubrick (Yale Jewish Lives). He lives in Brooklyn and Houston, where he is John and Rebecca Moores Professor of English at the University of Houston.

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Why are there so few answers to Irish peacekeeper’s murder in Lebanon? – analysis

Why are there so few answers to Irish peacekeeper’s murder in Lebanon? – analysis

SETH J. FRANTZMAN


Since the attack, there has been a tendency in major media outlets, including in Lebanon, to either downplay the incident or push a “wait and see” narrative.
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A UNIFIL peacekeeper stands next to a UN vehicle in southern Lebanon, in April / (photo credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)

The murder of Irish UN peacekeeper Seán Rooney, 24, in Lebanon last Wednesday is a significant escalation against the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). In the immediate aftermath of the attack on Rooney and his fellow soldiers, there were claims that the incident lacked clarity. A week after the attack, many questions remain.

Since the attack, there has been a tendency in major media outlets, including in Lebanon, to either downplay the incident or push a “wait and see” narrative, one that would give the perpetrators time to escape. And the only way that could transpire is if Hezbollah is somehow involved.

Irish leader Taoiseach Leo Varadkar has expressed his confidence in the ongoing investigations to determine what happened in Lebanon and why an Irish soldier was killed.

“It’s important that we do that. It’s also important that we avoid any speculation, I think at this point, until those investigations are done,” he said. The Irish, the UN and Lebanon are all investigating.

A PEACEKEEPER of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) stands at a lookout point in the village of Adaisseh near the Lebanese-Israeli border. (credit: REUTERS/KARAMALLAH DAHER)

This week, Rooney’s body was returned to Ireland from Beirut on an Air Corps plane that refueled in Malta, according to reports. Rooney was a member of the Irish Defense Forces from northwestern Ireland’s County Donegal.

According to the Irish Mirror, “His colleague, Private Shane Kearney, from Killeagh in Co. Cork, was seriously injured in the incident and he remains in a serious condition in hospital.” Two other members were injured as well. They were members of the 121st Infantry Battalion, which has been serving in Lebanon since November.

Similar major incidents that took place in Lebanon have gone unpunished for years, meaning there is usually impunity for perpetrators.

This includes the impunity for those who assassinated former Lebanese prime minister Rafic Hariri in 2005, and those whose incompetence led to the deadly Beirut Port explosion in 2020. Usually in Lebanon, if the perpetrators belong to Hezbollah, there is no chance the government will do anything. Considering the lack of outcry in Lebanon, it stands to reason that Hezbollah, or those who Hezbollah are likely to help may be behind the attack.

The attack on the UN peacekeepers was extreme. It does not appear to have been an ordinary accident. People don’t usually spray a vehicle with gunfire and then hunt down the occupants, shoot at their windows and then shoot one dead.

Here’s what we know: The UN vehicle was part of a two-vehicle convoy en route to Beirut. At 9 p.m. on Wednesday night, it deviated from an approved – and usual – route and separated from the other vehicle. Both vehicles had four peacekeepers in them.

Perhaps it was a wrong turn

IT WAS supposed to be a two-and-a-half-hour drive. The convoy was driving two men who were returning to Ireland on compassionate or bereavement leave. Since the unit was new to the area and it was nighttime, it is possible they simply made a wrong turn.

Reports said the convoy was surrounded by a mob and fired upon. Seven bullets were recovered from the vehicle in which Rooney was killed.

The vehicle was overturned after it sped away from the area while being shot at. It’s not clear how it became overturned; whether it hit something and slid down an embankment or if a mob was subsequently involved in pushing it over. Videos posted online show one of the soldiers outside the vehicle after the incident.

The vehicle was armored and the glass was bulletproof. It appears the shooters tried to shoot out the windows and targeted each soldier individually. The perpetrators were only able to get in through the back of the vehicle, after which they shot Rooney from the rear.

UNIFIL coordinates its movements with Lebanese authorities, including the army. Hezbollah has denied responsibility for the attack, portraying it as an “unintended” incident between the Irish unit and the people of the village of Al Aqabiya.

It is not clear the degree to which Hezbollah controls the village, however, some reports portray it as a Hezbollah-controlled area and claim that when the vehicle deviated from its usual route, it was followed.

Lebanon24 reported that Hezbollah and the Amal movement have influence in the village. Pro-Hezbollah Arabic media described how the UN convoy clashed with local residents, even hitting them with the car and sparking a riot. One pro-Hezbollah commentator on Al Mayadeen TV said the UN was “hiding something.” Another claimed that there have been increased tensions in recent months between villagers and UN forces, with locals not wanting the UN to enter. Could the “locals” have been manifestations of Hezbollah?

Anti-Hezbollah Lebanese voices expressed a different view.

One such voice wrote in an article, “What happened in Al Aqabiya was not an act of chance or a disagreement over passage. Whoever fired the shots was not a ‘villager’ angry at ‘strangers’ coming through, but rather a professional killer carrying orders to open fire.”

This was a murderous warning from Hezbollah. What was the message? To keep the UN from expanding its mandate? To make sure UN vehicles only pass where they have coordinated, so that Hezbollah’s actions are never seen?

The murder of publisher Lokman Slim

OTHER ACCOUNTS critical of Hezbollah have drawn parallels between the lack of a quick investigation of this incident and the killing of Hariri and the murder of Lebanese Shi’ite publisher Lokman Slim.

“The official police cannot investigate or arrest,” one article noted. Another noted that Lebanese security forces or intelligence services did not go to the village quickly, asserting that this is because they will not go to Hezbollah-occupied areas without permission. One report did say that the authorities requested security camera footage.

An article at Aliwaa.com argued that the root of the problem is that Lebanon doesn’t have a new government or president, and that it only has an acting prime minister. This is convenient for Lebanese authorities because they can pretend a failed investigation shouldn’t result in any sanctions, since they have no government.

What are some of the remaining questions?

The vehicles were traveling north and were only a few kilometers away from Sidon, via route 51. The village is on the route, and it is not clear if the vehicles had already turned off from the road or drove on toward the village.

It doesn’t seem reasonable that an ambush was waiting for the vehicles, because the perpetrators would have no way of knowing that they would deviate from their path. Instead, it is more likely that the shooters were made ready as the convoy was followed.

While only seven bullets were found, it seems that more shots were fired. The extreme nature of the shooting seems to show that this wasn’t a case of an angry crowd. Why would a crowd be so sensitive to a UN vehicle driving through their area?

This is an area known for fishing, and there is a nearby port and hotel. A coastal road leads to nice restaurants and guesthouses and various small fishing villages and beaches. Therefore, it is unlikely that the village has never seen vehicles from other places.

In addition, it was late at night, when locals would not likely be out during the late fall. It seems that to get a “mob” together to stop the vehicle, someone had to warn and prepare them.

This would point to something that is far from spontaneous. The presence of weapons shows that someone targeted the vehicle. It was obviously a UN convoy, so everyone would have known what they were doing when they shot at the soldiers and eventually pried their way in to shoot them at close range.


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