{"id":104965,"date":"2023-07-01T17:05:21","date_gmt":"2023-07-01T15:05:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=104965"},"modified":"2023-06-22T20:31:23","modified_gmt":"2023-06-22T18:31:23","slug":"16-05-88","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=104965","title":{"rendered":"Israel and the ICC: A lesson in hypocrisy, double-standards and discrimination"},"content":{"rendered":"<h5 style=\"text-align: center;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"center alignleft\" style=\"border: 1px solid black;\" src=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/10\/mida-eng-logo.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"35%\"><\/a><span style=\"text-decoration: underline; color: #000080;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Israel and the ICC: A lesson in hypocrisy, double-standards and discrimination<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>Talia Einhorn <\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<hr style=\"height: 15px; background: #d0e6fa; width: 100%;\">\n<h4 style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong><span style=\"color: #808080;\">International law guarantees each state its right to self-defense, and yet Israel has been repeatedly condemned for doing just that. The ICC has no jurisdiction to investigate Israel<\/span><\/strong><\/h4>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/%D7%98%D7%9C%D7%99%D7%94-%D7%90%D7%A0%D7%92%D7%9C%D7%99%D7%AA1.png\" width=\"100%\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><em>Talia Einhorn, Ordinary Professor (em.), Ariel University\/ Visiting Senior Research Fellow, Tel-Aviv University Faculty of Management and Titular Member of the International Academy of Comparative Law.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<h5><strong>1. Introduction<\/strong><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In 1998, I co-edited a book, honoring Israel\u2019s 50<sup>th<\/sup>&nbsp;Anniversary, entitled \u2013&nbsp;<em>Israel among the Nations<\/em>. Professor Alan Dershowitz aptly named his contribution \u2013 \u201cIsrael \u2013 The Jew among the Nations\u201d.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a>&nbsp;Dershowitz pointed out that \u201cno civilized nation in the history of the world which has faced comparable threats to its survival \u2013 both external and internal \u2013 has ever made greater efforts at, and has ever come closer to, achieving the highest norms of the rule of law. Yet no civilized nation in the history of the world \u2013 including totalitarian and authoritarian regimes \u2013 has ever been as repeatedly, unfairly and hypocritically condemned and criticized by the international community as Israel has been over the years\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The attitude adopted by the ICC and its Prosecutor towards Israel offers another exemplary case in point.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">On February 5, 2021, a three-judge ICC panel, decided by majority, against the well-reasoned, dissenting opinion of the panel\u2019s presiding Judge Peter Kovacs (165 pages), that the Court has jurisdiction over war crimes allegedly committed by Israel in Judea &amp; Samaria, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Old City, as of June 13, 2014.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a>&nbsp;Following the panel\u2019s ruling, the ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, announced her decision to open an investigation against Israel.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In his speech at&nbsp;<em>Yad Va-Shem<\/em>&nbsp;last week, commemorating the plight of Jews in the&nbsp;<em>Shoah<\/em>, Prime Minster Netanyahu criticized, rightly and emphatically, the ICC\u2019s outrageous decision to investigate Israel for potential war crimes against Palestinians.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">\u201cThe Jewish people were defenseless in the face of the Nazis but are no longer so, and have every right to defend themselves from their enemies,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In line with PM Netanyahu\u2019s statement, last Friday, April 9, 2021, Israel sent its official response to the Court\u2019s decision, contesting the Court\u2019s jurisdiction, rejecting the claims that Israel has committed war crimes, while stressing that the Jewish state is committed to the rule of law and capable of investigating itself.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">This paper addresses the \u201ccrimes\u201d allegedly committed by Israel (Part 2), the (lack of) jurisdiction by the ICC (Part 3), and my conclusions (Part 4).<\/span><\/p>\n<h5><strong>2. The \u201ccrimes\u201d allegedly committed by Israel<\/strong><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The ICC was established under the Rome Statute,<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a>&nbsp;with the power to exercise jurisdiction over persons who had committed the most serious crimes of international concern to the international community as a whole (Art. 5(1)). In its detailed provisions, the Statute addresses the following crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression (undefined).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">However, on Egypt\u2019s initiative, shortly before finalizing the text of the Rome Statute, Article 8(2)(b)(viii) was inserted into the Statute, defining, among the most serious crimes, \u201cthe transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its civilian population into the territory that it occupies.\u201d This provision was inserted with the sole object and purpose to target Israel,<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a>&nbsp;by rendering the Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria (and, in the past, the Gaza Strip as well) war crimes and anyone who lives in settlements beyond the 1949 ceasefire lines (the \u201cgreen line\u201d), or who fights to defend them \u2013 a war criminal, even if the settlements were not established by the State of Israel, even if the initiative to settle came from the settlers, and even if their establishment involved no violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention (which does not apply to the lands of Judea and Samaria, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Old City), or of any accepted rule of international law.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">It is hard to imagine that the existence of Jewish life in the Old City of Jerusalem, Hebron, the city of our Patriarchs, or anywhere else in Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights, are those most serious crimes against the international community as a whole, that the Rome Statute intended to address.<\/span><\/p>\n<div id=\"content\" class=\"content-alignment\">\n<div id=\"watch-description\" class=\"yt-uix-button-panel\">\n<div id=\"watch-description-text\" style=\"text-align: center;\">\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"\u05d3\u05d1\u05e8\u05d9 \u05e8\u05d0\u05e9 \u05d4\u05de\u05de\u05e9\u05dc\u05d4 \u05d1\u05e0\u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05df \u05e0\u05ea\u05e0\u05d9\u05d4\u05d5 \u05d1\u05d8\u05e7\u05e1 \u05d9\u05d5\u05dd \u05d4\u05d6\u05d9\u05db\u05e8\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05e9\u05d5\u05d0\u05d4 \u05d5\u05dc\u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8\u05d4 \u05d1\u05d9\u05d3 \u05d5\u05e9\u05dd\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/mh6C_BxYI1k?feature=oembed\" width=\"680\" height=\"400\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Indeed, the crimes for which people have been prosecuted before the International Criminal Court so far have included ethnic massacres, murder, torture, rape, mutilation, and forcibly abducting and conscripting&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Child_soldiers_in_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo\">child soldiers<\/a>&nbsp;amounting to crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">By contrast, as pointed out by Col. Richard Kemp, the former commander of British forces in Afghanistan in his expert testimony at the&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/United_Nations_Fact_Finding_Mission_on_the_Gaza_Conflict\">United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict<\/a>, established by the UN Human Rights Council (also known as the Goldstone Commission)\u2013 \u201cBased on my knowledge and experience, I can say this: During Operation Cast Lead, the Israeli Defense Forces did more to safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat zone than any other army in the history of warfare.\u201d<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a>&nbsp;Unfortunately, Col. Kemp\u2019s testimony was not even mentioned in the Goldstone report.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Moreover, in international law, the territories of Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip are not \u201coccupied territories\u201d at all, in the sense of this term in international law. At the San Remo Conference in 1920, the Supreme Council of Principal Allied Powers agreed that the territories of Israel (which included the territories of Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip) would be entrusted to Britain as a mandate for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The Preamble to the Mandate Document states explicitly that it is based on the international recognition thereby given \u201cto the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine, and to the grounds for reconstituting their National Home in that country.\u201d The Mandate Document further stipulates that \u201cthe Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.\u201d Britain undertook to \u201cfacilitate Jewish immigration .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. and encourage .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. close settlement by Jews on the land\u201d (Article 6) and to \u201cintroduce a land system .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. having regard, .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. to the desirability of promoting the close settlement and intensive cultivation of the land\u201d (Art. 11).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The Palestine Mandate does not mention Arab national rights in Palestine. Regarding the non-Jewish population in general, it provides that \u201cnothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities\u201d (second paragraph of the Preamble and Article 2 of the Mandate Document). But they were granted no collective, or national, rights. The reason for this is clear, since the object and purpose of the Mandate was to reconstitute the political ties of the Jewish People to their homeland.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The rights of the Jewish People under the Palestine Mandate were ratified by the League of Nations and then, again, in Article 80 of the UN Charter, over the objection of Arab states.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The illegal occupation (from the point of view of international law), during the War of Independence, of the territories of Judea, Samaria, the Old City and East Jerusalem by Jordan, and of the Gaza Strip by Egypt, both of which invaded Israel in an act of aggression, not in self-defense, did not render Jordan and Egypt legitimate sovereign powers in these territories. Therefore, Jordan\u2019s attempt to annex Jerusalem and the West Bank in 1950 did not gain international recognition.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In 1967, following the Six Day War, the territories, which had originally been designated as part of the Jewish the national home according to the Mandate document, reverted to Israeli control.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a>&nbsp;Prominent international jurists opined that Israel was in lawful control of those territories, that no other state could show better title than Israel thereto, and that these territories were not \u201coccupied\u201d in international law, and that Israel was entitled to declare that it has applied its sovereignty thereto. Israel\u2019s official position to date, as also communicated to the International Committee of the Red Cross in 1987, is that these are \u201cdisputed territories,\u201d to which Israel has a priority claim of right. Since they were not taken from any other sovereign, the Hague Regulations of 1907\/1899 and the Fourth Geneva Convention do not apply to them. However, Israel chose, at its own initiative, to apply the humanitarian provisions contained in the Fourth Geneva Convention to the Arab population living in these territories.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The above state of international law notwithstanding, this invented \u201ccrime\u201d was included in the Rome Statute, and legislative history shows that it was deliberately introduced to single out the people of Israel.<\/span><\/p>\n<h5 style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>3. No Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court<\/strong><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The jurisdiction of the Court is limited to acts committed on the territory of a member state and to crimes committed by nationals of member states. In addition, a state, that is not a party to the Statute, may, by a declaration lodged with the Registrar, accept the exercise of jurisdiction by the Court with respect to crimes committed in its territory, that it has referred to the Court. However, Israel is not a member state and Palestine, as noted in the dissenting opinion by Presiding Judge Kovacs, is not a state at all.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Although Israel signed the treaty and was one of the countries that initially supported the establishment of such a tribunal, in the end, due to the addition of the unique \u201ccrime\u201d invented for Israel, it announced that it would not ratify the treaty. Had it ratified the Statute, Jews would no longer have been able to live in the Old City of Jerusalem, in Hebron \u2013 the city of the Patriarchs, where Jews lived from ancient times until the massacre and forced expulsion of the Hebron Jewish Community in 1929 \u2013 or anywhere else in Judea, Samaria, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights. It is noteworthy that, out of the five permanent members of the Security Council, three had not ratified the Statute, primarily the United States, but also Russia and China, evidencing the lack of trust that these countries have in the objectivity of this organization and in its ability to hold a hearing in accordance with proper and impartial procedure.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In January 2009, during Israel\u2019s Operation Cast Lead in Gaza (27\/12\/2008-18\/1\/2009, following a barrage of rockets launched by the Hamas in Gaza at Israeli cities), the Palestinian Authority submitted a declaration to the ICC Registrar \u201c[recognizing] the jurisdiction of the Court for the purpose of identifying, prosecuting and judging the authors and accomplices of acts committed on the territory of Palestine since 1 July 2002\u201d (that is, the date on which the Rome Statute entered into force).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In international law, the conditions for statehood are determined objectively, the objective conditions being those determined in the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, 1933: (1) a permanent population; (2) a defined territory; (3) an effective government; and (4) the capacity to enter into international relations with other states.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">As for the Palestinian Authority, those conditions have not yet been fulfilled. According to the Oslo Agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the territory of the Arab state must be determined in an agreement with Israel; the territories in question are currently under dual government \u2013 that of the PLO in the West Bank and of the terror organization Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Finally, with respect to the population, the status of many residents is that of eternal refugees who do not consider themselves permanent residents of those territories. They claim a right of return for themselves to Israeli territory within the Green Line. To date the Palestinian Authority has refused to recognize Israel\u2019s right to exist as the state of the Jewish nation. Consequently, according to international law precepts, there is no state called Palestine.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The question of statehood in international law is distinct from membership of the United Nations. Thus, for instance, Switzerland, a sovereign state, was for many years not a member of the UN. On the other hand, there were entities, such as India, that became members before they attained independence.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The conditions for membership of the United Nations of the United Nations are stipulated in Articles 3-6 of the United Nations Charter. Pursuant to Article 4(1): \u201cMembership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving states45 which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">A precondition for admission to the United Nations is a Security Council recommendation in support of membership. Under Article 27(3) of the UN Charter, Security Council resolutions on all substantive matters require the affirmative vote of nine member states, including the agreement of all permanent members of the Security Council (since the permanent members have the power to veto a Council decision). Once a Security Council is adopted, the question of membership passes to the General Assembly. The decision on admitting a new member must be made by a two thirds majority of members present and voting (Art. 18(2), UN Charter).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">On September 23, 2011, Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas applied to the Secretary General of the United Nations for Palestine to be recognized by the UN as a member state, whose territory would include \u201call Palestinian territories occupied by Israel in 1967.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The application was made in breach of an international law commitment undertaken by the PLO, since it contravened the Interim Agreement signed with Israel in 1995. Article XXXI(7) of that Agreement provided that \u201cneither side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiations.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">On November 11, 2011, the Security Council approved a report by a special committee of the Council, stating that it was unable to make a unanimous recommendation to the Security Council concerning the Palestinian Authority\u2019s application for admission as a UN member.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a>&nbsp;The United States announced that it would veto any decision to support the application. Two other permanent members, France and Great Britain, said that they would abstain in the event of a vote. Alongside the states that supported the application, there was also a group of states that considered that the PA did not meet the conditions required by the UN Charter, i.e., that it was not \u201cpeace-loving,\u201d that it would not accept the obligations of member states under the UN Charter, and that it would not be capable of, or willing to, fulfill those obligations.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">That Palestine is not \u201cpeace loving\u201d may be gathered from the Palestine National Charter of 1968,<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a>&nbsp;that determines that \u201carmed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine\u201d, and that \u201cthis is the overall strategy, not merely a tactical phase\u201d .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. \u201cthe partition of Palestine and the establishment of the State of Israel are entirely illegal\u201d (Art. 19), and that \u201cthe Balfour Declaration, the Palestine Mandate, and everything that has been based on them, are deemed null and void\u201d (Art. 20). Despite promises to amend the Charter, to date no new Charter has been drafted, nor has a legal committee been set up to reformulate the Charter. To the contrary, statement by Arab leacers indicate that the PLO Charter is in force.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In order for a Security Council vote to be held, one out of its 15 member states must request that a vote be taken. However, after the report had been approved by the Council, the PA decided not to push for a Security Council vote, but to go directly to the General Assembly which, although not competent to grant membership in the organization, can upgrade the PA\u2019s status to that of a non-member observer state.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">On November29, 2012, exactly on the 65<sup>th<\/sup>&nbsp;Anniversary of the General Assembly\u2019s Partition Resolution of 29 November 1947, the General Assembly, by a large majority (138 members in favor, 9 against and 41 abstentions), adopted a resolution to \u201caccord to Palestine non-member observer State status in the United Nations.\u201d Eve<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a>n the nations that supported the upgrade included some, such as New Zealand, that pointed out that whether Palestine is a state is a separate question, and that it can only be a state&nbsp;<em>de facto&nbsp;<\/em>with Israel\u2019s agreement.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">To sum up, according to the provisions of the UN Charter, \u201cPalestine\u201d could not even be accepted as a member state of the UN.<\/span><\/p>\n<h5><strong>4. Conclusions<\/strong><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">A. Israel was correct in notifying the ICC that it had no jurisdiction over alleged crimes committed by Israel in the territories of East Jerusalem, the Old City, Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip. The jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court is limited to acts occurring on the territory of a Member State. In addition, a State other than a Contracting Party may declare its acceptance of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over crimes committed by its citizens or on its territory. Neither condition applies in the case of Israel. Israel is not a member state of the Rome Statute and, according to international law precepts, there is no state called \u201cPalestine\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">B. Under no circumstances should Israel cooperate with the ICC investigation or, later, with a trial should the decision be taken to prosecute Israel citizens. If Israel cooperates with the investigation or with any Court proceedings, it will not be able to claim in retrospect, when the bad political result arrives, that the Court\u2019s decisions are unacceptable. The procedure itself, the likes of which have only been taken against Israel for anti-Semitic and politically motivated reasons, must be denounced. At the same time, Israel was correct to underline, in its official response to the ICC, that it is capable of carrying out the investigations itself. As is well-known, Israel investigates its military\u2019s activities regularly, as a matter of course.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">C. There is a direct connection that leads from the Oslo Accords to the decision of the ICC in The Hague. Were it not for the Oslo Accords, by virtue of which the Palestinian Authority was established, Israeli leaders, commanders of the Israel Defense Forces and settlement leaders would not now face the danger of being unjustly prosecuted before the ICC. Israel must require the Palestinian Authority to withdraw the complaint it had submitted to the ICC. Should it refuse, Israel will have to consider its next moves, since the very existence of the Palestinian Authority rests on Israel\u2019s constant support, and it is highly doubtful that Israel has any further interest in the continued existence of an entity that endangers its political leadership, IDF commanders and settlement leaders, while denying Israel its right to self-defense, the most basic right of which no state may be deprived.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">D. At the same time, a warning is in order \u2013 should a sovereign Arab state be established west of the Jordan river, it will be entitled to ratify the Rome Statute, thereby endangering any Jewish leader, soldier, or settler for \u201ccrimes\u201d allegedly committed on its land.<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a>&nbsp;The decisions of the UN Conferences against Racism in Durban, South Africa (Summer 2001 and Summer 2011), and the many condemnations of Israel by the UN General Assembly, the Security Council, UNESCO, the UN Human Rights Council (which replaced in 2006 The United Nations Commission on Human Rights), the Goldstone Report (The United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict), and the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice in The Hague on the Separation Fence<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a>&nbsp;\u2013 all provide a clear insight of what is to be expected from the International Criminal Court.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Although every country has a right to self-defense in international law, a right that was also recognized in the UN Charter, Israel has repeatedly been condemned for actions it had undertaken in self-defense. Political and other considerations have led the international community, the international media and human rights activists to apply double standards in Israel\u2019s case. [18]&nbsp; As pointed out pertinently by Alan Dershowitz, \u201cBy treating Israel and its enemies comparably and \u2018even-handedly,\u2019 the world fails to recognize the important distinction between a flawed democracy and imperfect dictatorships.\u201d [19]<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The very fear of further lawsuits before the International Criminal Court, in light of the recent decision of the International Criminal Court\u2019s Prosecutor to investigate Israel on charges of \u201cwar crimes\u201d, could have a chilling effect on Israeli citizens and leaders, preventing IDF commanders and soldiers from defending Israel as they should<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">To conclude, as noted by PM Netanyahu in his speech at Yad Va-Shem, \u201cthe ICC was formed in the image of the courts of the Nuremberg trials that brought Nazis to justice. But from Nuremberg to The Hague things were turned upside down. A body formed to defend human rights has become a body that in actuality defends those who trample on human rights.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\">[1]<\/span><\/a><span style=\"color: #808080;\">&nbsp;Alan Dershowitz, \u201cIsrael \u2013 the Jew among the Nations\u201d, in: Alfred Kellermann, Kurt Siehr and Talia Einhorn (eds.),&nbsp;<em>Israel among the Nations<\/em>&nbsp;(Kluwer Law International, 1998), pp. 129-136.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a>&nbsp;June 13, 2014, is the day after three Israeli teenagers had been kidnapped and murdered by Hamas terrorists. &lt;https:\/\/www.memri.org\/tv\/hamas-leadership-acknowledges-responsibility-kidnapping-three-israeli-teens&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a>&nbsp;&lt;https:\/\/www.icc-cpi.int\/resource-library\/documents\/rs-eng.pdf&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a>&nbsp;See the statement made by Israel\u2019s Foreign Ministry Legal Advisor Alan Baker, upon Israel\u2019s signing of the Rome Statute, expressing Israel\u2019s concern about the insertion of the political provision into the listing of war crimes in the Statute, available at &lt;https:\/\/mfa.gov.il\/MFA\/MFA-Archive\/2001\/Pages\/International%20Criminal%20Court%20-%20Press%20Briefing%20by%20I.aspx&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a>&nbsp;Col. Kemp\u2019s testimony can be viewed at &lt;https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=JURMFtGRpjc&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a>&nbsp;David Eshel, \u201cThe UN Goldstone Commission: A Lesson in Farcical Hypocrisy\u201d, Defense Update (Sept. 28, 2009), available at &lt;https:\/\/defense-update.com\/20090928_goldstone_kemp.html&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a>&nbsp;Cf., in detail, with further references, Talia Einhorn,&nbsp;<em>The Status of Judea &amp; Samaria (the West Bank) and the Settlements in International Law<\/em>&nbsp;(Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 2014), available full-text at<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\">&lt;https:\/\/papers.ssrn.com\/sol3\/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2480505&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a>&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.securitycouncilreport.org\/un-documents\/document\/ares6719.php\">&lt;https:\/\/www.securitycouncilreport.org\/un-documents\/document\/ares6719.php<\/a><u>&gt;<\/u><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a>&nbsp;&lt; https:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/20th_century\/plocov.asp&gt;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a>&nbsp;&nbsp;Dore Gold,&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/gp\/product\/159698029X\/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_hsch_vapi_taft_p1_i4\">The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, The West, and The Future of the Holy City&nbsp;<\/a>&nbsp;(Regnery Publishing 2009), p. 196, with further references.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a>&nbsp;&lt;<u>&nbsp;https:\/\/unispal.un.org\/DPA\/DPR\/unispal.nsf\/0\/C05528251EA6B4BD85257AE5005271B0&gt;<\/u><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a>&nbsp;In this context see John Cerone, \u201cLegal Implications of the UN General Assembly Vote to Accord Palestine the Status of Observer State\u201d,&nbsp;<em>ASIL [American Society of International Law] Insights<\/em>, vol. 16, issue 37, note 26, referring to the&nbsp;<em>Summary of Practice of the Secretary-General as Depositary of Multilateral Treaties<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a>&nbsp;See Talia Einhorn, \u201cIsrael and the International Criminal Court\u201d,&nbsp;<em>Nativ<\/em>&nbsp;(2000 \/ 5-4) 36 (in Hebrew).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/en.mida.org.il\/2021\/04\/13\/israel-and-the-icc-a-lesson-in-hypocrisy-double-standards-and-discrimination\/#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a>&nbsp;Einhorn,&nbsp;<em>supra<\/em>&nbsp;n. 5, part 4.3.<\/span><\/p>\n<hr style=\"height: 15px; background: #d0e6fa; width: 100%;\">\n<div id=\"content\" class=\"content-alignment\">\n<div id=\"watch-description\" class=\"yt-uix-button-panel\">\n<div id=\"watch-description-text\" style=\"text-align: center;\">\n<p><em>Zawarto\u015b\u0107 publikowanych artyku\u0142\u00f3w i materia\u0142\u00f3w nie reprezentuje pogl\u0105d\u00f3w ani opinii Reunion&#8217;68,<\/em><em><br \/>\nani te\u017c webmastera Blogu Reunion&#8217;68, chyba ze jest to wyra\u017anie zaznaczone.<br \/>\nTwoje uwagi, linki, w\u0142asne artyku\u0142y lub wiadomo\u015bci prze\u015blij na adres:<br \/>\n<\/em><span style=\"color: #000080;\"><strong><em><a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"mailto:webmaster@reunion68.com\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">webmaster@reunion68.com<\/span><\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<hr style=\"width: 100%;\">\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Israel and the ICC: A lesson in hypocrisy, double-standards and discrimination Talia Einhorn International law guarantees each state its right to self-defense, and yet Israel has been repeatedly condemned for doing just that. The ICC has no jurisdiction to investigate Israel Talia Einhorn, Ordinary Professor (em.), Ariel University\/ Visiting Senior Research Fellow, Tel-Aviv University Faculty [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[6],"tags":[26,24],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/104965"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=104965"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/104965\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":105388,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/104965\/revisions\/105388"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=104965"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=104965"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=104965"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}