{"id":38970,"date":"2016-04-02T17:05:20","date_gmt":"2016-04-02T15:05:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=38970"},"modified":"2016-04-02T09:17:40","modified_gmt":"2016-04-02T07:17:40","slug":"02-09-5","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=38970","title":{"rendered":"“A Fascist Coup In Poland?” Give Us Poles A Break"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/a>A Fascist Coup In Poland? Give Us Poles A Break<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/h5>\n

AGNIESZKA KOLAKOWSKA<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Agnieszka Ko\u0142akowska<\/strong> (ur. 1960) \u2013 polska filozof i filolog klasyczny, t\u0142umaczka i publicystka.<\/em><\/span>
\n C\u00f3rka filozofa Leszka Ko\u0142akowskieg<\/strong>o i psychiatry Tamary z domu Dynenson<\/strong>.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Ksi\u0105\u017cki<\/strong>
\n<\/span><\/em>Wojny kultur i inne wojny (2010), ISBN 978-83-926118-8-2<\/a><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Artyku\u0142y
\n<\/strong><\/em><\/span>Brygady politycznej poprawno\u015bci, Rzeczpospolita, 2000.01.29
\n<\/em><\/span>Globalne oszustwo, Rzeczpospolita, 0-11-2009<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Nagrody:<\/strong>
\n<\/span>Nagroda im.<\/a>\u00a0<\/span> Andrzeja Kijowskiego<\/a> – 2012<\/a><\/span><\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Leszek Ko\u0142akowski<\/strong><\/em><\/span>
\n\"LeszekLeszek Ko\u0142akowski<\/b> (ur. 23 pa\u017adziernika<\/a> 1927<\/a> w Radomiu<\/a>, zm. 17 lipca<\/a> 2009<\/a> w Oksfordzie<\/a>[1]<\/a><\/sup>) \u2013 filozof<\/a> zajmuj\u0105cy si\u0119 g\u0142\u00f3wnie histori\u0105 filozofii<\/a>, histori\u0105 idei<\/a> oraz filozofi\u0105 religii<\/a>, eseista<\/a>, publicysta<\/a> i prozaik. Kawaler Orderu Or\u0142a Bia\u0142ego<\/a>. Ojciec Agnieszki Ko\u0142akowskiej<\/a>.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Prace filozoficzne<\/strong>
\n<\/span><\/em><\/span>Pierwszym tekstem Ko\u0142akowskiego skonfiskowanym przez cenzur\u0119, a zarazem pierwszym, kt\u00f3ry zacz\u0105\u0142 funkcjonowa\u0107 poza oficjalnym systemem, by\u0142 napisany w 1956 dla \u201ePo Prostu<\/a>\u201d manifest \u201eCzym jest socjalizm\u201d.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

W 1958 Ko\u0142akowski opublikowa\u0142 monografi\u0119 Jednostka i niesko\u0144czono\u015b\u0107. Wolno\u015b\u0107 i antynomie wolno\u015bci w filozofii Spinozy<\/a>, w kt\u00f3rej pos\u0142ugiwa\u0142 si\u0119 ju\u017c warsztatem nie tylko historyka filozofii, ale r\u00f3wnie\u017c historyka idei. Filozofii XVII wieku pozostawa\u0142 wierny w kolejnych swoich pracach. W 1965 opublikowa\u0142 g\u0142o\u015bne studium \u015awiadomo\u015b\u0107 religijna i wi\u0119\u017a ko\u015bcielna, uznawane z jednej strony za aluzyjn\u0105 krytyk\u0119 realnego socjalizmu w historycznym kostiumie, a z drugiej strony za wnikliw\u0105 analiz\u0119 przemian religijno\u015bci w XVII wieku<\/a>. Ko\u0142akowski zarysowywa\u0142 napi\u0119cie mi\u0119dzy indywidualn\u0105 religijno\u015bci\u0105 a wymaganiami wsp\u00f3lnotowego ko\u015bcio\u0142a w ruchach protestanckich. Odczytywano to jako sprzeczno\u015b\u0107 mi\u0119dzy jednostkowym zaanga\u017cowaniem intelektualisty a autorytarn\u0105 rzeczywisto\u015bci\u0105 systemu.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

W latach 1968\u20131976 napisa\u0142 trzytomow\u0105 prac\u0119 G\u0142\u00f3wne nurty marksizmu. Powstanie, rozw\u00f3j, rozk\u0142ad<\/a>, gdzie w spos\u00f3b przekrojowy opisa\u0142 rozw\u00f3j tej doktryny, obalaj\u0105c wiele mit\u00f3w i p\u00f3\u0142prawd obecnych w dyskusjach na ten temat w krajach za \u017celazn\u0105 kurtyn\u0105<\/a>. Od 1966 jego zainteresowania zacz\u0119\u0142y ewoluowa\u0107 w stron\u0119 filozofii kultury i etyki. W latach 1967\u20131975 napisa\u0142 m.in.: Kultur\u0119 i fetysze, Obecno\u015b\u0107 mitu, Husserl i poszukiwanie pewno\u015bci.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Pod koniec \u017cycia g\u0142\u00f3wnym przedmiotem jego zainteresowa\u0144 filozoficznych by\u0142a historia filozofii, zw\u0142aszcza od XVIII w., w tym doktryny liberalizmu, a tak\u017ce filozofia kultury oraz religii[12]<\/a><\/sup>.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Opr\u00f3cz tekst\u00f3w filozoficznych spod pi\u00f3ra Ko\u0142akowskiego wysz\u0142y r\u00f3wnie\u017c utwory o charakterze literackim, cho\u0107 r\u00f3wnie\u017c poruszaj\u0105ce tematyk\u0119 filozoficzn\u0105. Przyk\u0142adem mo\u017ce by\u0107 zbi\u00f3r utwor\u00f3w 13 bajek z kr\u00f3lestwa Lailonii dla du\u017cych i ma\u0142ych<\/a>, w oparciu o kt\u00f3ry zrealizowano cykl film\u00f3w animowanych Czterna\u015bcie bajek z Kr\u00f3lestwa Lailonii Leszka Ko\u0142akowskiego<\/a>. Podobny charakter maj\u0105 tak\u017ce takie utwory literackie jak Rozmowy z Diab\u0142em i Cztery bajki o identyczno\u015bci<\/a>). W przypowiastkach i bajkach Ko\u0142akowski w przyst\u0119pnej i atrakcyjnej literacko formie analizuje zagadnienia i paradoksy filozoficzne lub przedstawia dyskusje pomi\u0119dzy r\u00f3\u017cnymi szko\u0142ami i doktrynami.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

W 1996 nagra\u0142 dla Telewizji Polskiej 30 miniwyk\u0142ad\u00f3w po\u015bwi\u0119conych wa\u017cnym zagadnieniom filozofii kultury (m.in. w\u0142adzy, tolerancji, zdradzie, r\u00f3wno\u015bci, s\u0142awie, k\u0142amstwu), wydane nast\u0119pnie w formie ksi\u0105\u017ckowej jako Mini wyk\u0142ady o maxi sprawach. W 2004 rozpocz\u0105\u0142 telewizyjne wyk\u0142ady z serii O co nas pytaj\u0105 wielcy filozofowie.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Cultural conservative but no extremist: Jaroslaw Kaczynski<\/em><\/span>
\n (Katarzyna Czerwi\u0144ska \/ Kancelaria Senatu CC BY-SA 2.0)<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"By all accounts, things are rotten in the state of Poland. A fascist dictatorship has been installed \u2014 a bit like the one in Hungary, apparently, but worse. Ostensibly, democratic elections were held. But that is just a smokescreen. There has been a coup. By or against whom is unclear, but democracy, freedom of the press and civil liberties are definitely threatened. Poland is on the road to ruin, and liable to take the whole of the EU down with it. The European Commission is worried.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

One might be forgiven for thinking that this alarming news appeared in headlines eight years ago, when the bunch that has just been ousted \u2014 Civic Platform (PO) \u2014 came to power and purged the media, sacking anyone not to their liking and replacing them with their own cronies. Or when those cronies proceeded to use the public media as a vehicle for virulent and relentless propaganda against the current bunch, Law and Justice (PiS). Or at just about any time during those eight years, which saw a long string of scandals including \u2014 besides fraud, embezzlement and misuse of funds on a massive scale \u2014 the illegal wiretapping of journalists and police raids on editorial offices. Or when it emerged that newspapers loyal to PO were subsidised under the table through government advertising. Or just before the elections, when PO, in a manoeuvre of dubious legality, forced through five of its people onto the Constitutional Tribunal.<\/span><\/p>\n

Not a peep out of the European Commission then. But then that was a (supposedly) left-wing government, so that was all right. And this is (allegedly) a right-wing government. Hence the current hysteria.<\/span><\/p>\n

Except that PiS is actually about as right-wing as Bernie Sanders. Well, perhaps I exaggerate slightly. But it\u2019s certainly not right-wing fiscally or economically. This is not small-government and low-taxes conservatism; rolling back the State is not on the agenda. The conservatism is social, cultural and moral, and comes with a strong emphasis on national sovereignty. In the Polish context this means upholding tradition and family values, a tiny smidgeon of Euroscepticism, the refusal to submit to bullying by the EU and Germany in particular, an acknowledgement of our Judaeo-Christian heritage and the conviction that Christianity must be restored to its proper place in the public sphere, where the Church must play a role. You might call them culturally conservative old-style socialists. But whatever label you stick on them, none of this warrants investigation by the European Commission, let alone cries to topple the governent.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Left\u2019s denunciation of anything with a whiff of conservatism about it as \u201cextreme Right\u201d and therefore evil by definition is not surprising. But the hysteria about PiS is more than just a temper tantrum on the part of the bien-pensant Left. The \u201chate speech\u201d (a favourite accusation to fling at their opponents as they shower them with abuse) is breathtaking; some of it should be classed as incitement to criminal violence. Well-known journalists from that organ of the Polish left-wing chattering classes, Gazeta Wyborcza, have turned up at demonstrations to enourage revolt and assure people that their newspaper would continue the fight this government. A prominent journalist on that paper also incited soldiers to defy orders coming from the current minister of defence. So much for journalistic impartiality. But it\u2019s worth observing that it\u2019s a curious sort of fascist dictatorship that allows demonstrations and public vilification. It\u2019s also noteworthy that the propaganda machine lumbered into gear well before PiS had had a chance to do anything; indeed, the shrieks of indignation began well before the elections.<\/span><\/p>\n

At stake are the vested interests of people who have just lost their power and privileges: the left-wing elites who have been in alliance with PO in what was more of an oligarchy than a democracy. They do a nice line in cries of \u201cfascism!\u201d at any expression of dissent from their views, any divergence from the politically correct, but above all any threat to their monopoly on what should pass for enlightened opinion. They also do a nice line in stamping out genuine pluralism wherever they can. Now they have lost the power and privileges they considered theirs by right, as well as the political stranglehold on the media and public institutions which they have had for the past eight years, and they are howling in outrage. For some the fear of criminal proceedings \u2014 for fraud, misuse of funds, abuse of public office and a host of other offences \u2014 is an additional stimulus.<\/span><\/p>\n

So what has PiS actually done since it came to power? And does any of it justify claims of fascism? It has replaced a few people in the extremely politicised public media, which was unavoidable if it was to be able to govern unhampered by a constant stream of vicious propaganda (imagine the BBC\u2019s left-wing bias multiplied tenfold). It has replaced five PO judges on the Constitutional Tribunal, bringing the number of PO loyalists on it down to nine; it\u2019s hard to see how this is somehow less \u201cdemocratic\u201d than having 14 of them doing PO\u2019s bidding (as some of them quite blatantly did).<\/span><\/p>\n

Being burdened with a ministry of culture, the government has plans to develop programmes and competitions encouraging traditional values, in the hope that the three national theatres, at least, might be persuaded to put on a few Polish and European classics, representative of the values it would like to uphold rather than works which attack those values. It doesn\u2019t seem entirely outrageous to think that this might be a good thing; it would certainly come as something of a relief. The government definitely has no plans to sack the current directors of these theatres (apart from anything else, it has no legal means of doing so), nor does it intend to impose anything on them; but the opposition has been disseminating propaganda that this is precisely what is intended, and stoking up protest. PiS will encourage new works to mark Poland\u2019s 100 years of independence. There will be a new museum of Polish history. It will also ensure a fairer distribution of subsidies for literary journals, which under PO had gone overwhelmingly to left-wing publications \u2014 hardly surprising, since the editors of some of those journals, or their friends, sat on the committees awarding the subsidies.<\/span><\/p>\n

The country was in effect governed by a clique which for the past eight years held the media, the judiciary and the arts in its grasp. The media and the judiciary were independent only in name, something a party calling itself Law and Justice must try to remedy. The aim is to clean up corruption and restore some balance. To which the response that naturally suggests itself is: well, they would say that, wouldn\u2019t they? But the hope is that these people will be disinterested and a bit more impartial. It isn\u2019t an ill-founded hope. And they are doing no more, indeed considerably less, than the previous government \u2014 a government whose salient feature was its spectacular corruption \u2014 did when it came to power eight years ago.<\/span><\/p>\n

It is unbelievable that the idiocies being propagated about democracy and civil liberties being under threat are being taken seriously in the West. The fact that the EU threated sanctions shows how far-reaching is the influence of the Polish Left, led by Gazeta Wyborcza, which has been vilifying PiS for years as \u201cfascist\u201d and is now spreading the propaganda we see parroted in the Western press.<\/span><\/p>\n

But besides the fabrications of people who have lost their privileges and their impunity and stand to lose even more, there is some genuine disquiet both at home and abroad; there are doubts that are reasonable and fears that are to some extent justified. PiS\u2019s smidgeon of Euroscepticism clearly doesn\u2019t extend to supporting Britain in its negotiations with the EU at the cost of limiting British welfare benefits for Polish citizens, and party chairman Jaroslaw Kaczynski\u2019s intransigence on this point seems excessive. It would indeed be discriminatory if EU law on this point were suspended just for Poles; but it\u2019s hard to see how drawing benefits in Britain before one has lived there for a reasonable amount of time, not to mention sending British child benefits home, could be considered a \u201cright\u201d, for Poles or anyone else. But apparently an agreement has been reached that is deemed \u201csatisfactory\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Then there is the economy. PiS plans, as far as I know, to stick to its election promise of lowering the retirement age. It also plans to pay 500 zlotys a month \u2014 about \u00a3100, a huge sum for Poles \u2014 in benefits for every child after the first. It isn\u2019t entirely outrageous to try to do something to counter the Polish demographic slump (although there is no indication that throwing money at people will persuade them to have more children), but these seem lunatic proposals, with a whiff of populism about them. (PO is now promising 500 zlotys for every child when it regains power, because it\u2019s just so unfair to leave out the first-born \u2014 this from a party which in office cut in-work benefits and social security to the bone. But it is PiS that is denunced as populist.) Still, having loony economic policies hardly makes you fascist. It might be salutary to remind ourselves that countries which have the likes of Jeremy Corbyn, Donald Trump or Bernie Sanders as elected politicians or running for office with a good chance of success are hardly in a position to call anyone names.<\/span><\/p>\n

Then there\u2019s the question of refugees and immigration. On this there does not yet seem to be a firm policy, which is not surprising, as no one else in Europe has one either. Yes, PiS is reluctant to accept a flood of refugees; but so is everyone else, except Angela Merkel. It has no infrastructure to deal with them and it is worried about the infiltration of IS terrorists. So is everyone else. It fears the spread of radical Islam; so does everyone else. Nevertheless, it has, like everyone else, accepted some refugees and will accept more. How all this will end, in Poland and everywhere else, as migrants continue to come to the EU, is anyone\u2019s guess. There is no discernible reason why Poland should be singled out as a selfish, fascist state for being a little worried about it. In any case, the refugees dumped on Poland mostly try to escape to Germany, the promised land of better benefits. As for immigration from closer to home, particularly from Ukraine, by now there are probably more than a million Ukrainian immigrants in Poland (the figures for last year were given as anything from half a million to a million).<\/span><\/p>\n

PO was hated for its arrogance and contempt, its cliquishness and corruption, its willingness to be dictated to by the EU and its servility towards Russia (before the annexation of Crimea, when PO suddenly changed its tune) and Germany. The people who voted it out of office did so in the hope that the cronyism and the corruption would end. They wanted to feel proud of being Polish instead of being made to feel that it was something to be ashamed of; they were sick of \u201cpatriotism\u201d being treated as a dirty word. They wanted some transparency in government and they wanted the affirmation of their country\u2019s sovereignty. They will certainly get the latter; it remains to be seen how much they get of the former. But if the Law and Justice government criminalises homosexuality and premarital sex, introduces censorship, confiscates private property, imprisons the opposition, bans demonstrations, and starts planning pogroms, I promise I\u2019ll be the first to let you know.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n
\n
\n

twoje uwagi, linki, wlasne artykuly, lub wiadomosci przeslij do: webmaster@reunion68.com<\/a><\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A Fascist Coup In Poland? Give Us Poles A Break AGNIESZKA KOLAKOWSKA Agnieszka Ko\u0142akowska (ur. 1960) \u2013 polska filozof i filolog klasyczny, t\u0142umaczka i publicystka. C\u00f3rka filozofa Leszka Ko\u0142akowskiego i psychiatry Tamary z domu Dynenson. Ksi\u0105\u017cki Wojny kultur i inne wojny (2010), ISBN 978-83-926118-8-2 Artyku\u0142y Brygady politycznej poprawno\u015bci, Rzeczpospolita, 2000.01.29 Globalne oszustwo, Rzeczpospolita, 0-11-2009 Nagrody: […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[6],"tags":[26,24],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38970"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=38970"}],"version-history":[{"count":47,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38970\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":38972,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/38970\/revisions\/38972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=38970"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=38970"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=38970"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}