{"id":89047,"date":"2021-09-03T17:05:21","date_gmt":"2021-09-03T15:05:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=89047"},"modified":"2021-09-09T08:07:03","modified_gmt":"2021-09-09T06:07:03","slug":"11-05-71","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/?p=89047","title":{"rendered":"THE NEW PURITANS"},"content":{"rendered":"<h5 style=\"text-align: center;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"center alignleft\" src=\"http:\/\/www.reunion68.com\/Biuletyn\/img\/atlantic1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"35%\"><\/a><span style=\"text-decoration: underline; color: #000080;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/magazine\/archive\/2021\/10\/new-puritans-mob-justice-canceled\/619818\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">THE NEW PURITANS<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>Anne Applebaum Illustrations by Nicolas Ortega<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<hr style=\"height: 15px; background: #d0e6fa; width: 100%;\">\n<h4 style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><strong>Social codes are changing, in many ways for the better. But for those whose behavior doesn\u2019t adapt fast enough to the new norms, judgment can be swift\u2014and merciless.<\/strong><\/span><br \/>\n.<\/h4>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/oK8eiL1e6lPCKjfeMBz-nn0LPoE=\/0x0:2000x1125\/1920x1080\/media\/img\/2021\/08\/30\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansOpener\/original.jpg\" width=\"100%\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><em>Guildhall Library &amp; Art Gallery \/ Heritage Images \/ Getty<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08 ArticleParagraph_dropcap__3I841\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong><span class=\"smallcaps\">It was no great<\/span>&nbsp;distance, in those days, from the prison-door to the market-place. Measured by the prisoner\u2019s experience, however, it might be reckoned a journey of some length.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">So begins the tale of Hester Prynne, as recounted in Nathaniel Hawthorne\u2019s most famous novel,<i>&nbsp;The Scarlet Letter.<\/i>&nbsp;As readers of this classic American text know, the story begins after Hester gives birth to a child out of wedlock and refuses to name the father. As a result, she is sentenced to be mocked by a jeering crowd, undergoing \u201can agony from every footstep of those that thronged to see her, as if her heart had been flung into the street for them all to spurn and trample upon.\u201d After that, she must wear a scarlet&nbsp;<i>A<\/i>\u2014for adulterer\u2014pinned to her dress for the rest of her life. On the outskirts of Boston, she lives in exile. No one will socialize with her\u2014not even those who have quietly committed similar sins, among them the father of her child, the saintly village preacher. The scarlet letter has \u201cthe effect of a spell, taking her out of the ordinary relations with humanity, and enclosing her in a sphere by herself.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">We read that story with a certain self-satisfaction: <i>Such an old-fashioned tale!<\/i>&nbsp;Even Hawthorne sneered at the Puritans, with their \u201csad-colored garments and grey steeple-crowned hats,\u201d their strict conformism, their narrow minds and their hypocrisy. And today we are not just hip and modern; we live in a land governed by the rule of law; we have procedures designed to prevent the meting-out of unfair punishment. Scarlet letters are a thing of the past.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Except, of course, they aren\u2019t. Right here in America, right now, it is possible to meet people who have lost everything\u2014jobs, money, friends, colleagues\u2014after violating no laws, and sometimes no workplace rules either. Instead, they have broken (or are accused of having broken) social codes having to do with race, sex, personal behavior, or even acceptable humor, which may not have existed five years ago or maybe five months ago. Some have made egregious errors of judgment. Some have done nothing at all. It is not always easy to tell.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Yet despite the disputed nature of these cases, it has become both easy and useful for some people to put them into larger narratives. Partisans, especially on the right, now toss around the phrase&nbsp;<i>cancel culture<\/i>&nbsp;when they want to defend themselves from criticism, however legitimate. But dig into the story of anyone who has been a genuine victim of modern mob justice and you will often find not an obvious argument between \u201cwoke\u201d and \u201canti-woke\u201d perspectives but rather incidents that are interpreted, described, or remembered by different people in different ways, even leaving aside whatever political or intellectual issue might be at stake.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">There is a reason that the science reporter Donald McNeil, after being asked to resign from&nbsp;<i>The New York Times<\/i>, needed 21,000 words,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/donaldgmcneiljr1954.medium.com\/nytimes-peru-n-word-part-one-introduction-57eb6a3e0d95\">published<\/a>&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/donaldgmcneiljr1954.medium.com\/nytimes-peru-n-word-part-two-what-happened-january-28-3e41bdbb28a7\">in<\/a>&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/donaldgmcneiljr1954.medium.com\/nytimes-peru-n-word-part-three-what-happened-in-the-2019-investigation-6f8e9939a385\">four<\/a>&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/donaldgmcneiljr1954.medium.com\/nytimes-peru-n-word-part-four-what-happened-in-peru-2a641a9b5e83\">parts<\/a><\/strong><\/span>, to recount a series of conversations he had had with high-school students in Peru, during which he may or may not have said something racially offensive, depending on whose account you find most persuasive. There is a reason that Laura Kipnis, an academic at Northwestern, required an entire book,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.org\/a\/12476\/9780062657862\"><i>Unwanted Advances: Sexual Paranoia Comes to Campus<\/i><\/a>,<\/strong> <\/span>to recount the repercussions, including to herself, of two allegations of sexual harassment against one man at her university; after she&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.chronicle.com\/article\/sexual-paranoia-strikes-academe\/\">referred to the case in an article about \u201csexual paranoia,\u201d<\/a>&nbsp;s<\/strong><\/span>tudents demanded that the university investigate her, too. A full explanation of the personal, professional, and political nuances in both cases needed a lot of space.<\/span><\/p>\n<section class=\"ArticleBody_root__17rER\">\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">There is a reason, too, that Hawthorne dedicated an entire novel to the complex motivations of Hester Prynne, her lover, and her husband. Nuance and ambiguity are essential to good fiction. They are also essential to the rule of law: We have courts, juries, judges, and witnesses precisely so that the state can learn whether a crime has been committed before it administers punishment. We have a presumption of innocence for the accused. We have a right to self-defense. We have a statute of limitations.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">By contrast, the modern online public sphere, a place of rapid conclusions, rigid ideological prisms, and arguments of 280 characters, favors neither nuance nor ambiguity. Yet the values of that online sphere have come to dominate many American cultural institutions: universities, newspapers, foundations, museums. Heeding public demands for rapid retribution, they sometimes impose the equivalent of lifetime scarlet letters on people who have not been accused of anything remotely resembling a crime. Instead of courts, they use secretive bureaucracies. Instead of hearing evidence and witnesses, they make judgments behind closed doors.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">I have been trying to understand these stories for a long time, both because I believe that the principle of due process underpins liberal democracy, and also because they remind me of other times and places. A decade ago, I wrote a<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.org\/a\/12476\/9781400095933\">book about the Sovietization of Central Europe<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;in the 1940s, and found that much of the political conformism of the early Communist period was the result not of violence or direct state coercion, but rather of intense peer pressure. Even without a clear risk to their life, people felt obliged\u2014not just for the sake of their career but for their children, their friends, their spouse\u2014to repeat slogans that they didn\u2019t believe, or to perform acts of public obeisance to a political party they privately scorned. In 1948, the famous Polish composer Andrzej Panufnik sent what he later described as some \u201crubbish\u201d as his entry into a competition to write a \u201cSong of the United Party\u201d\u2014because he thought if he refused to submit anything, the whole Union of Polish Composers might lose funding. To his eternal humiliation, he won. Lily Hajd\u00fa-Gimes, a celebrated Hungarian psychoanalyst of that era, diagnosed the trauma of forced conformity in patients, as well as in herself. \u201cI play the game that is offered by the regime,\u201d she told friends, \u201cthough as soon as you accept that rule you are in a trap.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">But you&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/magazine\/archive\/2018\/10\/poland-polarization\/568324\/\">don\u2019t even need Stalinism to create that kind of atmosphere<\/a>.<\/strong><\/span> During a trip to Turkey earlier this year, I met a writer who showed me his latest manuscript, kept in a desk drawer. His work wasn\u2019t illegal, exactly\u2014it was just unpublishable. Turkish newspapers, magazines, and publishing houses are subject to unpredictable prosecutions and drastic sentences for speech or writing that can be arbitrarily construed as insulting the president or the Turkish nation. Fear of those sanctions leads to self-censorship and silence.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In America, of course, we don\u2019t have that kind of state coercion. There are currently no laws that shape what academics or journalists can say; there is no government censor, no ruling-party censor. But fear of the internet mob, the office mob, or the peer-group mob is producing some similar outcomes. How many American manuscripts now remain in desk drawers\u2014or unwritten altogether\u2014because their authors fear a similarly arbitrary judgment? How much intellectual life is now stifled because of fear of what a poorly worded comment would look like if taken out of context and spread on Twitter?<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">To answer that question, I spoke with more than a dozen people who were either victims or close observers of sudden shifts in social codes in America. The purpose here is not to reinvestigate or relitigate any of their cases. Some of those I interviewed have behaved in ways that I, or readers of this article, may well consider ill-judged or immoral, even if they were not illegal. I am not here questioning all of the new social codes that have led to their dismissal or their effective isolation. Many of these social changes are clearly positive.<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"ArticlePullquote_root__2Vmdu\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">How much intellectual life is now stifled because of fear of what a poorly worded comment would look like if taken out of context and spread on Twitter?<\/span><\/aside>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Still, no one quoted here, anonymously or by name, has been charged with an actual crime, let alone convicted in an actual court. All of them dispute the public version of their story. Several say they have been falsely accused; others believe that their \u201csins\u201d have been exaggerated or misinterpreted by people with hidden agendas. All of them, sinners or saints, have been handed drastic, life-altering, indefinite punishments, often without the ability to make a case in their own favor. This\u2014the convicting and sentencing without due process, or mercy\u2014should profoundly bother Americans. In 1789,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.archives.gov\/files\/legislative\/resources\/education\/bill-of-rights\/images\/handout-2.pdf\">James Madison proposed<\/a>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>that the U.S. Constitution ensure that \u201cno person shall be \u2026 deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.\u201d Both&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/constitutioncenter.org\/interactive-constitution\/amendment\/amendment-v\">the Fifth<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/constitutioncenter.org\/interactive-constitution\/amendment\/amendment-xiv\">the Fourteenth<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;Amendments to the Constitution invoke due process. Nevertheless, these Americans have been effectively deprived of it.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Many of the people described here remain unavoidably anonymous in this essay. This is because they are involved in complicated legal or tenure battles and do not want to speak on the record, or because they fear another wave of social-media attacks. I have tried to describe their current situations\u2014to explain what price they have paid, what kind of punishment they have been handed\u2014without identifying those who did not want to be identified, and without naming their institutions. Necessarily, a lot of important details are therefore excluded. But for some, this is now the only way they dare to speak out at all.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08 ArticleParagraph_dropcap__3I841\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\"><span class=\"smallcaps\">Here is the&nbsp;<\/span>first thing that happens once you have been accused of breaking a social code, when you find yourself at the center of a social-media storm because of something you said or purportedly said. The phone stops ringing. People stop talking to you. You become toxic. \u201cI have in my department dozens of colleagues\u2014I think I have spoken to zero of them in the past year,\u201d one academic told me. \u201cOne of my colleagues I had lunch with at least once a week for more than a decade\u2014he just refused to speak to me anymore, without asking questions.\u201d Another reckoned that, of the 20-odd members in his department, \u201cthere are two, one of whom has no power and another of whom is about to retire, who will now speak to me.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">A journalist told me that after he was summarily fired, his acquaintances sorted themselves into three groups. First, the \u201cheroes,\u201d very small in number, who \u201cinsist on due process before damaging another person\u2019s life and who stick by their friends.\u201d Second, the \u201cvillains,\u201d who think you should \u201cimmediately lose your livelihood as soon as the allegation is made.\u201d Some old friends, or people he thought were old friends, even joined the public attack. But the majority were in a third category: \u201cgood but useless. They don\u2019t necessarily think the worst of you, and they would like you to get due process, but, you know, they haven\u2019t looked into it. They have reasons to think charitably of you, maybe, but they\u2019re too busy to help. Or they have too much to lose.\u201d One friend told him that she would happily write a defense of him, but she had a book proposal in the works. \u201cI said, \u2018Thank you for your candor.\u2019\u200a\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Most people drift away because life moves on; others do so because they are afraid that those unproven allegations might imply something far worse. One professor who has not been accused of any physical contact with anybody was astonished to discover that some of his colleagues assumed that if his university was disciplining him, he must be a rapist. Another person suspended from his job put it this way: \u201cSomeone who knows me, but maybe doesn\u2019t know my soul or character, may be saying to themselves that prudence would dictate they keep their distance, lest they become collateral damage.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Here is the second thing that happens, closely related to the first: Even if you have not been suspended, punished, or found guilty of anything, you cannot function in your profession. If you are a professor, no one wants you as a teacher or mentor (\u201cThe graduate students made it obvious to me that I was a nonperson and could not possibly be tolerated\u201d). You cannot publish in professional journals. You cannot quit your job, because no one else will hire you. If you are a journalist, then you might find that you cannot publish at all.&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/09\/19\/arts\/ian-buruma-out-jian-ghomeshi.html\">After losing his job as editor of&nbsp;<i>The New York Review of Books<\/i><\/a>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>in a #MeToo-related editorial dispute\u2014he was not accused of assault, just of printing an article by someone who was\u2014Ian Buruma discovered that several of the magazines where he had been writing for three decades would not publish him any longer. One editor said something about \u201cyounger staff\u201d at his magazine. Although a group of more than 100&nbsp;<i>New York Review of Books&nbsp;<\/i>contributors\u2014among them Joyce Carol Oates, Ian McEwan, Ariel Dorfman, Caryl Phillips, Alfred Brendel (and me)\u2014had&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nybooks.com\/articles\/2018\/10\/25\/letter-from-contributors\/\">signed a public letter in Buruma\u2019s defense<\/a><\/strong><\/span>, this editor evidently feared his colleagues more than he did Joyce Carol Oates.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"Image_root__J8Wlz Image_lazy__1w_jB Image_loaded__3uNg2 ArticleInlineImageFigure_image__3Z6hd aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/5rLbWlHFqiB-n-RTt70ZVflekdw=\/0x0:1426x1893\/655x870\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg\" sizes=\"(min-width: 729px) 655px, (min-width: 576px) calc(100vw - 48px), 100vw\" srcset=\"https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/5rLbWlHFqiB-n-RTt70ZVflekdw=\/0x0:1426x1893\/655x870\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg 655w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/5a-lLoe4MAd4KgKBD9cyTUrk1eA=\/0x0:1426x1893\/750x996\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg 750w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/OXgJ0_e5mU89XPb48d3a70iLXvo=\/0x0:1426x1893\/850x1129\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg 850w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/nMHdofRwOZwMjrrugpqyaw-PASE=\/0x0:1426x1893\/928x1233\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg 928w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/JcEDzIFPqAZ0I5QHpQvRQQ_9Kes=\/0x0:1426x1893\/1310x1740\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot1\/original.jpg 1310w\" alt=\"illustration of painting of 17th-century person with head rendered invisible under Puritan hat\" width=\"100%\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><em>Source: Sepia Times \/ Getty<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">For many, intellectual and professional life grinds to a halt. \u201cI was doing the best work in my life when I heard of this investigation happening,\u201d one academic told me. \u201cIt all stopped. I have not written another paper since.\u201d Peter Ludlow, a philosophy professor at Northwestern (and the subject of Laura Kipnis\u2019s book), lost two book contracts after the university forced him out of his job for two alleged instances of sexual harassment, which he denies. Other philosophers would not allow their articles to appear in the same volume as one of his. After Daniel Elder, a prizewinning composer (and a political liberal) posted a statement on Instagram condemning arson in his hometown of Nashville, where Black Lives Matter protesters had set the courthouse on fire after the killing of George Floyd, he discovered that <a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/reason.com\/2021\/06\/15\/daniel-elder-cancel-culture-choral-composer-antifa-blm-gia\/\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>his publisher would not print his music and choirs would not sing it<\/strong><\/span><\/a>. After the poet Joseph Massey was accused of \u201charassment and manipulation\u201d by women he\u2019d been romantically involved with, the Academy of American Poets removed all of his poetry from its website, and his publishers removed his books from theirs. Stephen Elliott, a journalist and critic who was accused of rape on the anonymous \u201cShitty Media Men\u201d list that circulated on the internet at the height of the #MeToo conversation\u2014he is now suing that list\u2019s creator for defamation\u2014<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/quillette.com\/2018\/09\/25\/how-an-anonymous-accusation-derailed-my-life\/\">has written that<\/a>,<\/strong><\/span> in the aftermath, a published collection of his essays vanished without a trace: Reviews were canceled;&nbsp;<i>The Paris Review<\/i>&nbsp;aborted a planned interview with him; he was disinvited from book panels, readings, and other events.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">For some people, this can result in a catastrophic loss of income. Ludlow moved to Mexico, because he could live more cheaply there. For others, it can create a kind of identity crisis. After describing the various jobs he had held in the months since being suspended from his teaching job, one of the academics I interviewed seemed to choke up. \u201cI am really only good at one thing,\u201d he told me, pointing at mathematical formulas on a blackboard behind him: \u201cthis.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Sometimes advocates of the new mob justice claim that these are minor punishments, that the loss of a job is not serious, that people should be able to accept their situation and move on. But isolation plus public shaming plus loss of income are severe sanctions for adults, with long-term personal and psychological repercussions\u2014especially because the \u201csentences\u201d in these cases are of indeterminate length. Elliott contemplated suicide, and has written that \u201cevery first-hand account I\u2019ve read of public shaming\u2014and I\u2019ve read more than my share\u2014includes thoughts of suicide.\u201d Massey did too: \u201c<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/quillette.com\/2019\/06\/28\/a-metoo-mob-tried-to-destroy-my-life-as-a-poet-this-is-how-i-survived\/\">I had a plan and the means to execute it<\/a>;<\/strong><\/span> I then had a panic attack and took a cab to the ER.\u201d David Bucci, the former chair of the Dartmouth brain-sciences department, who was named in a lawsuit against the college though he was not accused of any sexual misconduct,&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2020\/01\/04\/us\/dartmouth-lawsuit-bucci.html\">did kill himself<\/a>&nbsp;after he realized he might never be able to restore his reputation.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Others have changed their attitudes toward their professions. \u201cI wake up every morning afraid to teach,\u201d one academic told me: The university campus that he once loved has become a hazardous jungle, full of traps. Nicholas Christakis, the Yale professor of medicine and sociology who was at the center of a campus and social-media storm in 2015, is also an expert on the functioning of human social groups. He reminded me that ostracism \u201cwas considered an enormous sanction in ancient times\u2014to be cast out of your group was deadly.\u201d It is unsurprising, he said, that people in these situations would consider suicide.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The third thing that happens is that you try to apologize, whether or not you have done anything wrong. Robert George, a Princeton philosopher who has acted as a faculty advocate for students and professors who have fallen into legal or administrative difficulties, describes the phenomenon like this: \u201cThey have been popular and successful their whole lives; that\u2019s how they climbed the ladder to their academic positions, at least in places like the one I teach. And then suddenly there is this terrible feeling of&nbsp;<i>Everybody hates me<\/i>&nbsp;\u2026 So what do they do? More often than not, they just cave in.\u201d One of the people I spoke with was asked to apologize for an offense that broke no existing rules. \u201cI said, \u2018What am I apologizing for?\u2019 And they said, \u2018Well, their feelings were hurt.\u2019 So I crafted my apology around that: \u2018If I did say something that upset you, I didn\u2019t anticipate that would happen.\u2019\u200a\u201d The apology was initially accepted, but his problems didn\u2019t end.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">This is typical: More often than not, apologies will be parsed, examined for \u201csincerity\u201d\u2014and then rejected. Howard Bauchner, the editor of&nbsp;<i>the Journal of the American Medical Association<\/i>,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/jama_current\/status\/1367546743789862912?lang=en\">apologized for something<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;he\u2019d had nothing directly to do with, after one of his colleagues made controversial comments on a podcast and on Twitter about whether communities of color were held back more by \u201cstructural racism\u201d or by socioeconomic factors. \u201cI remain profoundly disappointed in myself for the lapses that led to the publishing of the tweet and podcast,\u201d Bauchner wrote. \u201cAlthough I did not write or even see the tweet, or create the podcast, as editor in chief, I am ultimately responsible for them.\u201d He wound up resigning. But this, too, is now typical: Because apologies have become ritualized, they invariably seem insincere. Websites now offer <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>\u201c<\/strong><\/span><a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.apologyletters.net\/\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>sample templates<\/strong><\/span><\/a>\u201d for people who need to apologize; some universities offer&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.gallaudet.edu\/tutorial-and-instructional-programs\/english-center\/the-process-and-type-of-writing\/letters\/apologies\/\">advice on how to apologize<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;to students and employees, and even include lists of good words to use (<i>mistake<\/i>,&nbsp;<i>misunderstand<\/i>,&nbsp;<i>misinterpret<\/i>).<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Not that everyone really wants an apology. One former journalist told me that his ex-colleagues \u201cdon\u2019t want to endorse the process of mistake\/apology\/understanding\/forgiveness\u2014they don\u2019t want to forgive.\u201d Instead, he said, they want \u201cto punish and purify.\u201d But the knowledge that whatever you say will never be enough is debilitating. \u201cIf you make an apology and you know in advance that your apology will not be accepted\u2014that it is going to be considered a move in a psychological or cultural or political game\u2014then the integrity of your introspection is being mocked and you feel permanently marooned in a world of unforgivingness,\u201d one person told me. \u201cAnd that is a truly unethical world.\u201d Elder\u2019s music publishers asked him to make a groveling apology\u2014they even went so far as to write it for him\u2014but he refused.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Even after the apology is made, a fourth thing happens: People begin to investigate you. One person I spoke with told me he believed he was investigated because his employer didn\u2019t want to offer severance compensation and needed extra reasons to justify his termination. Another thought an investigation of him was launched because firing him for an argument over language would have violated the union contract. Long careers almost always include episodes of disagreement or ambiguity. Was that time he hugged a colleague in consolation really something else? Was her joke really a joke, or something worse? Nobody is perfect; nobody is pure; and once people set out to interpret ambiguous incidents in a particular way, it\u2019s not hard to find new evidence.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Sometimes investigations take place because someone in the community feels that you haven\u2019t paid a high enough price for whatever it is you have done or said. Last year Joshua Katz, a popular Princeton classics professor,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/quillette.com\/2020\/07\/08\/a-declaration-of-independence-by-a-princeton-professor\/\">wrote an article<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;critical of a letter published by&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/archive\/2020\/08\/what-princeton-professors-really-think-about-defining-racism\/614911\/\">a group of Princeton faculty on race<\/a><\/strong><\/span>. In response&nbsp;<i>The Daily Princetonian<\/i>, a student newspaper, spent seven months investigating his past relationships with students, eventually convincing university officials to relitigate incidents from years earlier that had already been adjudicated\u2014a classic breach of James Madison\u2019s belief that no one should be punished for the same thing twice. The<i>&nbsp;Daily Princetonian<\/i>&nbsp;investigation looks more like an attempt to ostracize a professor guilty of wrong-think than an attempt to bring resolution to a case of alleged misbehavior.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Mike Pesca, a podcaster for&nbsp;<i>Slate<\/i>,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2021\/02\/22\/business\/media\/slate-mike-pesca-suspended.html\">got into a debate with his colleagues<\/a>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>on his company\u2019s internal Slack message board about whether it is acceptable to pronounce a racial slur out loud when reporting on the use of a racial slur\u2014an action that, he says, was not against any company rules at the time. After a meeting of the editorial staff held soon afterward to discuss the incident\u2014to which Pesca himself was not invited\u2014the company launched an investigation to find out whether there were other things he might have done wrong. (According to a statement by a&nbsp;<i>Slate<\/i>&nbsp;spokesperson, the investigation was prompted by more than just \u201can isolated abstract argument in a Slack channel.\u201d) Amy Chua, the Yale Law professor and author of&nbsp;<i>Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother<\/i>, told me she believes that investigations into her relationships with students were sparked by her personal connections to Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Many of these investigations involve anonymous reports or complaints, some of which can come as a total surprise to those being reported upon. By definition, social-media mobs involve anonymous accounts that amplify unverified stories with \u201clikes\u201d and shares. The \u201cShitty Media Men\u201d list was an anonymous collection of unverified accusations that became public. Procedures at many universities actually mandate anonymity in the early stages of an investigation. Sometimes even the accused isn\u2019t given any of the details. Chua\u2019s husband, the Yale Law professor Jed Rubenfeld, who was suspended from teaching due to sexual-harassment allegations (which he denies), says he did not know the names of his accusers or the nature of the accusations against him for a year and a half.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Kipnis, who was accused of sexual misconduct because she wrote about sexual harassment, was not initially allowed to know who her accusers were either, nor would anyone explain the rules governing her case. Nor, for that matter, were the rules clear to the people applying them, because, as she wrote in<i>&nbsp;Unwanted Advances<\/i>, \u201cthere\u2019s no established or nationally uniform set of procedures.\u201d On top of all that, Kipnis was supposed to keep the whole thing confidential: \u201cI\u2019d been plunged into an underground world of secret tribunals and capricious, medieval rules, and I wasn\u2019t supposed to tell anyone about it,\u2019\u2019 she wrote. This chimes with the story of another academic, who told me that his university \u201cnever even talked to me before it decided to actually punish me. They read the reports from the investigators, but they never brought me in a room, they never called me on the phone, so that I could say anything about my side of the story. And they openly told me that I was being punished based on allegations. Just because they didn\u2019t find evidence of it, they told me, doesn\u2019t mean it didn\u2019t happen.<\/span>\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"Image_root__J8Wlz Image_lazy__1w_jB Image_loaded__3uNg2 ArticleInlineImageFigure_image__3Z6hd aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/jqIEd49gI-Qw-_KMqil2k32R1yA=\/0x0:2250x1753\/928x723\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg\" sizes=\"(min-width: 982px) 928px, (min-width: 786px) calc(100vw - 54px), 100vw\" srcset=\"https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/snvZehmYCLeIWMWKs1iaCJrXZ7g=\/0x0:2250x1753\/640x499\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 640w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/umZHdhptpfWwk3fyUcvr95Sq1S0=\/0x0:2250x1753\/750x584\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 750w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/61OKkwYx7o-PiI-j4gQnIuq-4i0=\/0x0:2250x1753\/850x662\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 850w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/jqIEd49gI-Qw-_KMqil2k32R1yA=\/0x0:2250x1753\/928x723\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 928w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/GubDHjbre7t8XLXlHKPSucj5HIA=\/0x0:2250x1753\/1536x1197\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 1536w, https:\/\/cdn.theatlantic.com\/thumbor\/6b_NTJSLrGYBFPJMcs_GlbiFV1g=\/0x0:2250x1753\/1856x1446\/media\/img\/posts\/2021\/08\/WEL_Applebaum_NewPuritansSpot2\/original.jpg 1856w\" alt=\"Illustration of 18th-century gallows platform crowned by giant Facebook &quot;like&quot; thumbs-up logo and surrounded by a crowd\" width=\"100%\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><em>Source: De Agostini Picture Library \/ Getty<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Secretive procedures that take place outside the law and leave the accused feeling helpless and isolated have been an element of control in authoritarian regimes across the centuries, from the Argentine junta to Franco\u2019s Spain. Stalin created \u201ctroikas\u201d\u2014ad hoc, extrajudicial bodies that heard dozens of cases in a day. During China\u2019s Cultural Revolution, Mao empowered students to create revolutionary committees to attack and swiftly remove professors. In both instances, people used these unregulated forms of \u201cjustice\u201d to pursue personal grudges or gain professional advantage. In&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.org\/a\/12476\/9780312428037\"><i>The Whisperers<\/i><\/a>,<\/strong><\/span> his book on Stalinist culture, the historian Orlando Figes cites many such cases, among them Nikolai Sakharov, who wound up in prison because somebody fancied his wife; Ivan Malygin, who was denounced by somebody jealous of his success; and Lipa Kaplan, sent to a labor camp for 10 years after she refused the sexual advances of her boss. The sociologist Andrew Walder&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/bookshop.org\/a\/12476\/9780674975491\">has revealed<\/a>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>how the Cultural Revolution in Beijing was shaped by power competitions between rival student leaders.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">This pattern is now repeating itself in the U.S. Many of those I spoke with told complicated stories about the ways in which anonymous procedures had been used by people who disliked them, felt competitive with them, or held some kind of personal or professional grudge. One described an intellectual rivalry with a university administrator, dating back to graduate school\u2014the same administrator who had played a role in having him suspended. Another attributed a series of problems to a former student, now a colleague, who had long seen him as a rival. A third thought that one of his colleagues resented having to work with him and would have preferred a different job. A fourth reckoned that he had underestimated the professional frustrations of younger colleagues who felt stifled by his organization\u2019s hierarchies. All of them believe that personal grudges help explain why they were singled out.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The motivations could be even more petty than that. The&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.chimamanda.com\/news_items\/it-is-obscene-a-true-reflection-in-three-parts\/\">writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie recently described<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;how two younger writers she had befriended attacked her on social media, partly, she wrote, because they are \u201cseeking attention and publicity to benefit themselves.\u201d Once it becomes clear that attention and praise can be garnered from organizing an attack on someone\u2019s reputation, plenty of people discover that they have an interest in doing so.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">America remains a safe distance from Mao\u2019s China or Stalin\u2019s Russia. Neither our secretive university committees nor the social-media mobs are backed by authoritarian regimes threatening violence. Despite the right-wing rhetoric that says otherwise, these procedures are not being driven by a \u201cunified left\u201d (there is no \u201cunified left\u201d), or by a unified movement of any kind, let alone by the government. It\u2019s true that some of the university sexual-harassment cases have been shaped by Department of Education Title IX regulations that are shockingly vague, and that can be interpreted in draconian ways. But the administrators who carry out these investigations and disciplinary procedures, whether they work at universities or in the HR departments of magazines, are not doing so because they fear the Gulag. Many pursue them because they believe they are making their institutions better\u2014they are creating a more harmonious workplace, advancing the causes of racial or sexual equality, keeping students safe. Some want to protect their institution\u2019s reputation. Invariably, some want to protect their own reputation. At least two of the people I interviewed believe that they were punished because a white, male boss felt he had to publicly sacrifice another white man in order to protect his own position.<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"ArticlePullquote_root__2Vmdu\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The censoriousness, the shunning, the ritualized apologies, the public sacrifices\u2014these are typical behaviors in illiberal societies with rigid cultural codes.<\/span><\/aside>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">But what gives anyone the conviction that such a measure is necessary? Or that \u201ckeeping students safe\u201d means&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/education\/archive\/2017\/09\/the-uncomfortable-truth-about-campus-rape-policy\/538974\/\">you must violate due process<\/a><\/strong><\/span>? It is not the law. Nor, strictly speaking, is it politics. Although some have tried to link this social transformation to President Joe Biden or House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, anyone who tries to shoehorn these stories into a right-left political framework has to explain why so few of the victims of this shift can be described as \u201cright wing\u201d or conservative. According to one recent poll,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.cato.org\/survey-reports\/poll-62-americans-say-they-have-political-views-theyre-afraid-share\">62 percent of Americans, including a majority of self-described moderates and liberals, are afraid to speak their mind about politics<\/a>.<\/strong><\/span> All of those I spoke with are centrist or center-left liberals. Some have unconventional political views, but some have no strong views at all.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Certainly nothing in the academic texts of critical race theory mandates this behavior. The original critical race theorists argued for the use of a new lens to interpret the past and the present. You can dispute whether or not that lens is useful, or whether you want to look through it at all\u2014but you can\u2019t blame critical-race-theory authors for, say, Yale Law School\u2019s frivolous decision to investigate whether or not Amy Chua gave a dinner party at her house during the pandemic, or for the array of university presidents who have refused to stand by their own faculty members when they are attacked by students.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The censoriousness, the shunning, the ritualized apologies, the public sacrifices\u2014these are rather typical behaviors in illiberal societies with rigid cultural codes, enforced by heavy peer pressure. This is a story of moral panic, of cultural institutions policing or purifying themselves in the face of disapproving crowds. The crowds are no longer literal, as they once were in Salem, but rather online mobs, organized via Twitter, Facebook, or sometimes internal company Slack channels. After Alexi McCammond was named editor in chief of&nbsp;<i>Teen Vogue<\/i>, people discovered and recirculated on Instagram old anti-Asian and homophobic tweets she had written a decade earlier, while still a teenager.&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2021\/03\/18\/business\/media\/teen-vogue-editor-alexi-mccammond.html\">McCammond apologized<\/a>,<\/strong><\/span> of course, but that wasn\u2019t enough, and she was compelled to quit the job before starting. She\u2019s had a softer landing than some\u2014she was able to return to her previous work as a political reporter at&nbsp;<i>Axios<\/i>\u2014but the incident reveals that no one is safe. She was a 27-year-old woman of color who had been named the \u201cEmerging Journalist of the Year\u201d by the National Association of Black Journalists, and yet her teenage self came back to haunt her. You would think it would be a good thing for the young readers of&nbsp;<i>Teen Vogue<\/i>&nbsp;to learn forgiveness and mercy, but for the New Puritans, there is no statute of limitations.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\"><span class=\"smallcaps\">This censoriousness is&nbsp;<\/span>related not just to recent, and often positive, changes in attitudes toward race and gender, and to accompanying changes in the language used to discuss them, but to other social changes that are more rarely acknowledged. While most of those who lose their positions are not \u201cguilty\u201d in any legal sense, neither have they been shunned at random. Just as odd old women were once subject to accusations of witchery, so too are certain types of people now more likely to fall victim to modern mob justice. To begin with, the protagonists of most of these stories tend to be successful. Though not billionaires or captains of industry, they\u2019ve managed to become editors, professors, published authors, or even just students at competitive universities. Some are unusually social, even hyper-gregarious: They were professors who liked to chat or drink with their students, bosses who went out to lunch with their staff, people who blurred the lines between social life and institutional life.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">\u201cIf you ask anyone for a list of the best teachers, best citizens, most responsible people, I would be on every one of those lists,\u201d one now-disgraced faculty member told me. Amy Chua had been appointed to numerous powerful committees at Yale Law School, including one that helped prepare students for clerkships. This was, she says, because she succeeded in getting students, especially minority students, good clerkships. \u201cI do extra work; I get to know them,\u201d she told me. \u201cI write extra-good recommendations.\u201d Many highly social people who are good at committees also tend to gossip, to tell stories about their colleagues. Some, both male and female, might also be described as flirtatious, enjoying wordplay and jokes that go right to the edge of what is considered acceptable.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Which is precisely what got some of these people into trouble, because the definition of&nbsp;<i>acceptable<\/i>&nbsp;has radically changed in the past few years. Once it was not just okay but admirable that Chua and Rubenfeld had law-school students over to their house for gatherings. That moment has passed. So, too, has the time when a student could discuss her personal problems with her professor, or when an employee could gossip with his employer. Conversations between people who have different statuses\u2014employer-employee, professor-student\u2014can now focus only on professional matters, or strictly neutral topics. Anything sexual, even in an academic context\u2014for example, a conversation about the laws of rape\u2014is now risky. The Harvard Law School professor Jeannie Suk Gersen&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/news\/news-desk\/trouble-teaching-rape-law\">has written<\/a>&nbsp;that her students \u201cseem more anxious about classroom discussion, and about approaching the law of sexual violence in particular, than they have ever been in my eight years as a law professor.\u201d Akhil Reed Amar, a professor at Yale, told me that he no longer mentions a particular historical incident that he once used in his teaching, because it would force his students to read a case study that revolves around the use of a racial slur.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Social rules have changed too. Professors used to date and even marry their students. Colleagues used to drink together after work, and sometimes go home together. Today that can be dangerous. An academic friend told me that in his graduate school, people who are close to getting their doctorate are wary about dating people just beginning their studies, because the unwritten rules now dictate that you don\u2019t date colleagues, especially if there could be any kind of (real or imagined) power differential between you and the person you are dating. This cultural shift is in many ways healthy: Young people are now much better protected from predatory bosses. But it has costs. When jokes and flirtation are completely off-limits, some of the spontaneity of office life disappears too.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">It\u2019s not just the hyper-social and the flirtatious who have found themselves victims of the New Puritanism. People who are, for lack of a more precise word,&nbsp;<i>difficult<\/i>&nbsp;have trouble too. They are haughty, impatient, confrontational, or insufficiently interested in people whom they perceive to be less talented. Others are high achievers, who in turn set high standards for their colleagues or students. When those high standards are not met, these people say so, and that doesn\u2019t go over well. Some of them like to push boundaries, especially intellectual boundaries, or to question orthodoxies. When people disagree with them, they argue back with relish.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">That kind of behavior, once accepted or at least tolerated in many workplaces, is also now out of bounds. Workplaces once considered demanding are now described as toxic. The sort of open criticism, voiced in front of other people, that was once normal in newsrooms and academic seminars is now as unacceptable as chewing with your mouth open. The non-sunny disposition, the less-than-friendly manner\u2014these can now be grounds for punishment or ostracism too. A relevant criticism of Donald McNeil turned out to be that he was \u201c<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2021\/02\/14\/business\/media\/new-york-times-donald-mcneil.html\">kind of a grumpy old guy<\/a>,<\/strong><\/span>\u201d as one student on that trip to Peru described him.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">What many of these people\u2014the difficult ones, the gossipy ones, the overly gregarious ones\u2014have in common is that they make people uncomfortable. Here, too, a profound generational shift has transpired. \u201cI think people\u2019s tolerance for discomfort\u2014people\u2019s tolerance for dissonance, for not hearing exactly what they want to hear\u2014has now gone down to zero,\u201d one person told me. \u201c<i>Discomfort<\/i>&nbsp;used to be a term of praise about pedagogy\u2014I mean, the greatest discomforter of all was Socrates.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"ArticlePullquote_root__2Vmdu\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The interaction between the angry mob and the illiberal bureaucracy engenders a thirst for blood, for sacrifices to be offered to the pious and unforgiving gods of outrage.<\/span><\/aside>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">It\u2019s not wrong to want a more comfortable workplace, or fewer grumpy colleagues. The difficulty is that the feeling of discomfort is subjective. One person\u2019s lighthearted compliment is another person\u2019s microaggression. One person\u2019s critical remark can be experienced by another person as racist or sexist. Jokes, wordplay, and anything that can have two meanings are, by definition, open to interpretation.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">But even though discomfort is subjective, it is also now understood as something that can be cured. Someone who has been made uncomfortable now has multiple paths through which to demand redress. This has given rise to a new facet of life in universities, nonprofits, and corporate offices: the committees, HR departments, and Title IX administrators who have been appointed precisely to hear these kinds of complaints. Anyone who feels discomfort now has a place to go, someone to talk to.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Some of this is, I repeat, positive: Employees or students who feel they have been treated unfairly no longer have to flounder alone. But that comes at a cost. Anyone who accidentally creates discomfort\u2014whether through their teaching methods, their editorial standards, their opinions, or their personality\u2014may suddenly find themselves on the wrong side of not just a student or a colleague but an entire bureaucracy, one dedicated to weeding out people who make other people uncomfortable. And these bureaucracies are illiberal. They do not necessarily follow rules of fact-based investigation, rational argument, or due process. Instead, the formal and informal administrative bodies that judge the fate of people who have broken social codes are very much part of a swirling, emotive public conversation, one governed not by the rules of the courtroom or logic or the Enlightenment but by social-media algorithms that encourage anger and emotion, and by the economy of likes and shares that pushes people to feel\u2014and to perform\u2014outrage. The interaction between the angry mob and the illiberal bureaucracy engenders a thirst for blood, for sacrifices to be offered up to the pious and unforgiving gods of outrage\u2014a story we see in other eras of history, from the Inquisition to the more recent past.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Twitter, the president of one major cultural institution told me, \u201cis the new public sphere.\u201d Yet Twitter is unforgiving, it is relentless, it doesn\u2019t check facts or provide context. Worse, like the elders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony who would not forgive Hester Prynne, the internet keeps track of past deeds, ensuring that no error, no mistake, no misspoken sentence or clumsy metaphor is ever lost. \u201cIt\u2019s not that everybody\u2019s famous for 15 minutes,\u201d Tamar Gendler, the dean of the faculty of arts and sciences at Yale, told me. \u201cIt\u2019s that everybody gets damned for 15 seconds.\u201d And if you have the misfortune to have the worst 15 seconds of your life shared with the world, there is nothing to guarantee that anybody will weigh that single, badly worded comment against all the other things you have done in your career. Incidents \u201close their nuance,\u201d one university official told me. \u201cSo then what you get is all kinds of people with prearranged views, and they come in and use the incident to mean one thing or another.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">It can happen very fast. In March, Sandra Sellers, an adjunct professor at Georgetown University Law Center, was&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/local\/education\/georgetown-law-sandra-sellers-black-students\/2021\/03\/11\/c798eae0-827d-11eb-ac37-4383f7709abe_story.html\">caught on camera<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;speaking to another professor about some underperforming Black students in her class. There is no way to know from the recording alone whether her comments represented racist bias or genuine concern for her students. Not that it mattered to Georgetown\u2014she was fired within days of the recording\u2019s becoming public. Nor could one know what David Batson, the colleague she was talking to on the recording, really thought either. Nevertheless, he was placed on administrative leave because he seemed, vaguely, to be politely agreeing with her. He quickly resigned.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">That conversation was captured inadvertently, but future revelations might not be. This spring, Braden Ellis, a student at Cypress College in California,&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/news\/2021\/05\/10\/cypress-college-faces-threats-and-allegations-failing-be-antiracist\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>shared a class Zoom recording<\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;<\/a>of his professor\u2019s response when Ellis defended portrayals of police as heroes. Ellis said he did this in order to expose a purported bias against conservative viewpoints on campus. Even though the recording by itself does not prove the existence of long-standing bias, the professor\u2014a Muslim woman who said on the recording that she did not trust the police\u2014became the focus of a Fox News segment, a social-media storm, and death threats. So did other professors at the college. So did administrators. After a few days, the professor was removed from her teaching assignments, pending investigation.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">In this incident, the storm came from the right, as it surely will in the future: The tools of social-media mob justice are available to partisans of all kinds. In May, a young reporter, Emily Wilder,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2021\/05\/29\/technology\/emily-wilder-firing-ap.html\">was fired from her new job<\/a><\/strong><\/span>&nbsp;at the Associated Press in Arizona after a series of conservative publications and politicians publicized Facebook posts critical of Israel that she had written while in college. Like so many before her, she was not told precisely why she was fired, or which company rules her old posts had violated.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Some have used Wilder\u2019s case to argue that the conservative criticism of \u201ccancel culture\u201d has always been fraudulent. But the real, and nonpartisan, lesson is this: No one\u2014of any age, in any profession\u2014is safe. In the age of Zoom, cellphone cameras, miniature recorders, and other forms of cheap surveillance technology, anyone\u2019s comments can be taken out of context; anyone\u2019s story can become a rallying cry for Twitter mobs on the left or the right. Anyone can then fall victim to a bureaucracy terrified by the sudden eruption of anger. And once one set of people loses the right to due process, so does everybody else. Not just professors but students; not just editors of elite publications but random members of the public. Gotcha moments can be choreographed. Project Veritas, a well-funded right-wing organization,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.businessinsider.com\/james-okeefe-project-veritas-sting-fails-2017-11\">dedicates itself to sting operations<\/a>:<\/strong><\/span> It baits people into saying embarrassing things on hidden cameras and then seeks to get them punished for it, either by social media or by their own bureaucracies.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">But while this form of mob justice can be used opportunistically by anyone, for any political or personal reason, the institutions that have done the most to facilitate this change are in many cases those that once saw themselves as the guardians of liberal and democratic ideals. Robert George, the Princeton professor, is a longtime philosophical conservative who once criticized liberal scholars for their earnest relativism, their belief that all ideas deserved an equal hearing. He did not foresee, he told me, that liberals would one day \u201cseem as archaic as the conservatives,\u201d that the idea of creating a space where different ideas could compete would come to seem old-fashioned, that the spirit of tolerance and curiosity would be replaced by a worldview \u201cthat is not open-minded, that doesn\u2019t think engaging differences is a great thing or that students should be exposed to competing points of view.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http:\/\/www.reunion68.com\/Biuletyn\/ico\/leon-r.jpg\" width=\"20%\"><\/p>\n<p><em>recommended by:&nbsp;<strong>Leon Rozenbaum<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">But that kind of thought system is not new in America. In the 19th century, Nathaniel Hawthorne\u2019s novel argued for the replacement of exactly that kind of rigidity with a worldview that valued ambiguity, nuance, tolerance of difference\u2014the liberal worldview\u2014and that would forgive Hester Prynne for her mistakes. The liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill, writing at about the same time as Hawthorne, made a similar argument. Much of his most famous book,&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.gutenberg.org\/files\/34901\/34901-h\/34901-h.htm\"><i>On Liberty<\/i><\/a><\/strong><\/span>, is dedicated not to governmental restraints on human liberty but to the threat posed by social conformism, by \u201cthe demand that all other people shall resemble ourselves.\u201d Alexis de Tocqueville wrote about this problem, too. It was a serious challenge in 19th-century America, and is again in the 21st century.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Students and professors, editorial assistants and editors in chief\u2014all are aware of what kind of society they now inhabit. That\u2019s why&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/archive\/2020\/02\/evidence-conservative-students-really-do-self-censor\/606559\/\">they censor themselves<\/a><\/strong><\/span>, why they steer clear of certain topics, why they avoid discussing anything too sensitive for fear of being mobbed or ostracized or fired without due process. But that kind of thinking takes us uncomfortably close to Istanbul, where history and politics can be discussed only with great care.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Many people have told me they want to change this atmosphere, but don\u2019t know how. Some hope to ride it out, to wait for this moral panic to pass, or for an even younger generation to rebel against it. Some worry about the costs of engagement. One person who was the focus of a negative social-media campaign told me that he doesn\u2019t want this set of issues to dominate his life and his career; he cited other people who have become so obsessed with battling \u201cwokeness\u201d or \u201ccancel culture\u201d that they now do nothing else.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Others have decided to be vocal. Stephen Elliott wrestled for a long time with whether or not to describe what it feels like to be wrongly accused of rape\u2014he wrote something and abandoned it because \u201cI decided that I wouldn\u2019t be able to handle the blowback\u201d\u2014before finally describing his experiences in a published essay. Amy Chua ignored advice to remain silent and instead has talked as much as possible. Robert George has created the&nbsp;<a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"https:\/\/academicfreedom.org\/\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>Academic Freedom Alliance<\/strong><\/span><\/a>, a group that intends to offer moral and legal support to professors who are under fire, and even to pay for their legal teams if necessary. George was inspired, he told me, by a nature program that showed how elephant packs will defend every member of the herd against a marauding lion, whereas zebras run away and let the weakest get killed off. \u201cThe trouble with us academics is we\u2019re a bunch of zebras,\u201d he said. \u201cWe need to become elephants.\u201d John McWhorter, a Columbia linguistics professor (and&nbsp;<i>Atlantic<\/i>&nbsp;contributing writer) who has strong and not always popular views about race, told me that if you are accused of something unfairly, you should always push back, firmly but politely: \u201cJust say, \u2018No, I\u2019m not a racist. And I disagree with you.\u2019\u200a\u201d If more leaders\u2014university presidents, magazine and newspaper publishers, CEOs of foundations and companies, directors of musical societies\u2014took that position, maybe it would be easier for more of their peers to stand up to their students, their colleagues, or an online mob.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">The alternative, for our cultural institutions and for democratic discourse, is grim. Foundations will do secret background checks on their potential grantees, to make sure they haven\u2019t committed crimes-that-are-not-crimes that could be embarrassing in the future. Anonymous reports and Twitter mobs, not the reasoned judgments of peers, will shape the fate of individuals. Writers and journalists will fear publication. Universities will no longer be dedicated to the creation and dissemination of knowledge but to the promotion of student comfort and the avoidance of social-media attacks.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"ArticleParagraph_root__2QM08\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\">Worse, if we drive all of the difficult people, the demanding people, and the eccentric people away from the creative professions where they used to thrive, we will become a flatter, duller, less interesting society, a place where manuscripts sit in drawers for fear of arbitrary judgments. The arts, the humanities, and the media will become stiff, predictable, and mediocre. Democratic principles like the rule of law, the right to self-defense, the right to a just trial\u2014even the right to be forgiven\u2014will wither. There will be nothing to do but sit back and wait for the Hawthornes of the future to expose us.<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><em>This article appears in the&nbsp;<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #808080; text-decoration: underline;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/magazine\/toc\/2021\/10\/\">October 2021<\/a>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>print edition with the headline \u201cThe New Puritans.\u201d&nbsp;<\/em><i>When you buy a book using a link on this page, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting&nbsp;<\/i>The Atlantic.<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><a class=\"author-link\" style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/author\/anne-applebaum\/\" data-label=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/author\/anne-applebaum\/\" data-action=\"click author - name\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>Anne Applebaum<\/strong><\/span><\/a><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/span>is a staff writer at&nbsp;<em>The Atlantic<\/em>, a fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University, and the author of&nbsp;<em><a style=\"color: #808080;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.penguinrandomhouse.com\/books\/621076\/twilight-of-democracy-by-anne-applebaum\/\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>Twilight of<\/strong><\/span> <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism<\/strong><\/span><\/a><\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n<hr style=\"height: 15px; background: #d0e6fa; width: 100%;\">\n<div id=\"content\" class=\"content-alignment\">\n<div id=\"watch-description\" class=\"yt-uix-button-panel\">\n<div id=\"watch-description-text\" style=\"text-align: center;\">\n<p><em>Zawarto\u015b\u0107 publikowanych artyku\u0142\u00f3w i materia\u0142\u00f3w nie reprezentuje pogl\u0105d\u00f3w ani opinii Reunion&#8217;68,<\/em><em><br \/>\nani te\u017c webmastera Blogu Reunion&#8217;68, chyba ze jest to wyra\u017anie zaznaczone.<br \/>\nTwoje uwagi, linki, w\u0142asne artyku\u0142y lub wiadomo\u015bci prze\u015blij na adres:<br \/>\n<\/em><span style=\"color: #000080;\"><strong><em><a style=\"color: #000080;\" href=\"mailto:webmaster@reunion68.com\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">webmaster@reunion68.com<\/span><\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<hr style=\"width: 100%;\">\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>THE NEW PURITANS Anne Applebaum Illustrations by Nicolas Ortega Social codes are changing, in many ways for the better. But for those whose behavior doesn\u2019t adapt fast enough to the new norms, judgment can be swift\u2014and merciless. . Guildhall Library &amp; Art Gallery \/ Heritage Images \/ Getty It was no great&nbsp;distance, in those days, [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[6],"tags":[26,24],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/89047"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=89047"}],"version-history":[{"count":22,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/89047\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":89215,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/89047\/revisions\/89215"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=89047"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=89047"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.reunion68.se\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=89047"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}