Archive | November 2024

EU Ministers Reject Proposal to Suspend Dialogue With Israel

EU Ministers Reject Proposal to Suspend Dialogue With Israel

Algemeiner Staff


Let us not forget that those who collaborated with Hitler’s Germany were:
– Spain, France, Norway, Sweden, Ireland, and Turkey.

The same ones who today want to fulfill Hitler’s promises to the Muslim Arabs.

European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell attends a press conference on the day of EU-Ukraine Association Council in Brussels, Belgium, March 20, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Yves Herman

European Union foreign ministers on Monday did not support a proposal by the bloc’s outgoing foreign policy chief to suspend regular political dialogue with Israel in response to the Jewish state’s ongoing military campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza.

Top EU diplomat Josep Borrell last week had proposed the suspension of dialogue in a letter to the bloc’s foreign ministers ahead of their meeting on Monday in Brussels, citing “serious concerns about possible breaches of international humanitarian law in Gaza,” the Palestinian enclave ruled by Hamas. He also wrote, “Thus far, these concerns have not been sufficiently addressed by Israel.”

The proposal was met with widespread resistance, with several ministers either expressing support for Israel’s position or arguing that severing dialogue with the Jewish state would be counterproductive.

“We know that there are tragic events in Gaza, huge civilian casualties, but we do not forget who started the current cycle of violence,” Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski told reporters after Monday’s meeting in Brussels, seemingly referring to the fact that Hamas began the conflict with its invasion of southern Israel last Oct. 7. “And I can tell you that there was no agreement on the idea of suspending negotiations with Israel.”

The regular dialogues that Borrell sought to break off were enshrined in a broader agreement on relations between the EU and Israel, including extensive trade ties, that was implemented in 2000.

“In light of the above considerations, I will be tabling a proposal that the EU should invoke the human rights clause to suspend the political dialogue with Israel,” Borrell wrote last week.

A suspension needed the approval of all 27 EU countries, an unlikely outcome from the beginning.

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock publicly rejected the proposal last Thursday.

“We are always in favor of keeping channels of dialogue open. Of course, this also applies to Israel,” the German Foreign Office said of Borrell’s plans.

The Foreign Office added that, while the political conversations under the EU-Israel Association Council provide a regular opportunity to strengthen relations and, in recent months, discuss the provision of humanitarian aid to Gaza, severing that mechanism would make little sense.

“Breaking off dialogue, however, will not help anyone, neither the suffering people in Gaza, nor the hostages who are still being held by Hamas, nor all those in Israel who are committed to dialogue,” the statement continued.

Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp similarly said that he disagreed with the proposal and that the EU needed to continue its diplomatic dialogue with Israel.

“Apparently, the high rep [Borrell] takes a 180-degree turn. I don’t fully grasp that,” Veldkamp told reporters in Brussels. “In the view of the Netherlands, this door should be kept open, and we should start a discussion with the Israeli ministers. There will soon be a new high rep. Let’s use these opportunities to get a dialogue running, because there’s a lot to discuss, including the catastrophic humanitarian situation the Gaza Strip.”

Borrel, whose formal title is the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, is set to leave his position, with his five-year term as the EU’s foreign policy chief coming to an end next month. His successor is former Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas.

The EU has been divided over how to address the war in Gaza. While some member countries, such as Spain and Ireland, have been fiercely critical of Israel since the outbreak of the conflict, calling on the bloc to review and even suspend its free trade agreement with Israel, others have been more supportive. For example, Hungary, Austria, and the Czech Republic have so far largely backed Israel’s military efforts.

“Most of the member states considered that it was much better to continue having a diplomatic and political relationship with Israel,” Borrell told a press conference after the meeting on Monday.

“But at least I put on the table all the information produced by United Nations organizations and every international organization working in Gaza and the West Bank and in Lebanon in order to judge the way the war is being waged,” he added.

Earlier, Borrell said he had “no more words” to describe the situation in the Middle East, before chairing his last planned meeting of the bloc’s foreign ministers.

“I exhausted the words to explain what’s happening in the Middle East,” he said, citing the death toll and humanitarian crisis in Gaza. “There [are] no more words.”

Hamas launched the ongoing conflict with its invasion of southern Israel last Oct. 7. During the onslaught, Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists murdered 1,200 people, wounded thousands more, and kidnapped over 250 hostages while perpetrating mass sexual violence and other atrocities.

Israel responded with a military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.

Israel says it has gone to unprecedented lengths to try and avoid civilian casualties, noting its efforts to evacuate areas before it targets them and to warn residents of impending military operations with leaflets, text messages, and other forms of communication. However, Hamas has in many cases prevented people from leaving, according to the Israeli military.

Another challenge for Israel is Hamas’s widely recognized military strategy of embedding its terrorists within Gaza’s civilian population and commandeering civilian facilities like hospitals, schools, and mosques to run operations, direct attacks, and store weapons.

Israeli Ambassador to the UN Danny Danon said last month that Israel has delivered over 1 million tons of aid, including 700,000 tons of food, to Gaza since it launched its military operation a year ago. He also noted that Hamas terrorists often hijack and steal aid shipments while fellow Palestinians suffer.

The Israeli government has ramped up the supply of humanitarian aid into Gaza in recent weeks under pressure from the United States, which has expressed concern about the plight of civilians in the war-torn enclave.

Nonetheless, Borrell said ahead of the meeting that his proposal was meant to put pressure on the Israeli government after it had, in his view, ignored several pleas to adhere to international law in the Gaza war.

“Many people tried to stop the war in Gaza … this has not happened yet. And I don’t see a hope for this to happen. That’s why we have to put pressure on the Israeli government, and also, obviously on the Hamas side,” Borrell said, without mentioning Hamas’s rejection of recent ceasefire proposals.

Borrell has been one of the EU’s most outspoken critics of Israel over the past year. Just six weeks after Hamas’s Oct. 7 attacks, he drew a moral equivalence between Israel and the terrorist group while speaking to the European Parliament, accusing both of having carried out “massacres” while insisting that it is possible to criticize Israeli actions “without being accused of not liking the Jews.”

Borrell’s speech followed a visit to the Middle East the prior week. While in Israel, he delivered what the Spanish daily El Pais described as the “most critical message heard so far from a representative of the European Union regarding Israel’s response to the Hamas attack of Oct. 7.”

“Not far from here is Gaza. One horror does not justify another,” Borrell said at a joint press conference alongside then-Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen. “I understand your rage. But let me ask you not to let yourself be consumed by rage. I think that is what the best friends of Israel can tell you, because what makes the difference between a civilized society and a terrorist group is the respect for human life. All human lives have the same value.”

Months later, in March of this year, Borrell claimed that Israel was imposing a famine on Palestinian civilians in Gaza and using starvation as a weapon of war. His comments came a few months before the United Nations Famine Review Committee (FRC), a panel of experts in international food security and nutrition, rejected the assertion that northern Gaza was experiencing famine, citing a lack of evidence. Borrell’s comments prompted outrage from Israel.

In August, Borrell pushed EU member states to impose sanctions on some Israeli ministers.

On Monday, beyond his push to suspend EU-Israel dialogue, Borrell also sought to introduce a ban on the import of products from Israeli settlements in “occupied Palestinian territories according with the rules of the International Court of Justice.”


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For 300 Years, a Jewish Kingdom Flourished in Africa. This Israeli Archaeologist Set Out to Find It

For 300 Years, a Jewish Kingdom Flourished in Africa. This Israeli Archaeologist Set Out to Find It

Meirav Moran


An independent Jewish kingdom was said to have once existed in today’s Ethiopia. An Israeli archaeologist heard the tales of heroism surrounding Beta Israel and decided he would be the one to find it.

The Simien Mountains, in northern Ethiopia.Credit: RudiErnst / Shutterstock.com

In the heart of the Simien Mountains in northern Ethiopia, on the slopes of a steep hill, stands the village of Segenet. An immense cliff looms above, an abyss yawns below. Life here is made possible by the existence of a broad plateau on the hillside, where the farmers grow their crops, suspended between heaven and earth. About a year and a half ago, an Israeli archaeologist, Bar Kribus, arrived in the small village, closing a circle that had opened two decades earlier.

“I knew immediately that we were in the right place,” Kribus says, the thrill of that moment still palpable in his voice. “We are quite confident that this was the capital of the independent Jewish kingdom in Africa.”

Indeed, an independent Jewish kingdom in Africa. The kingdom, situated in present-day northwestern Ethiopia (adjacent to Gondar province, where most of the country’s Jews lived before their emigration to Israel), is thought to have been in existence for about 300 years, at its peak covering an area almost the size of today’s sovereign Israel. Over time, legends and myths that fire the imagination sprang up about it, and it spawned a messianic hope of redemption. But no one had found physical evidence and concrete testimony to confirm the kingdom’s existence. That was precisely the task Kribus took on himself.

The spark that ignited the adventure occurred on a mountaintop in the Golan Heights, when Kribus, who had not yet begun his university studies, would accompany youth orienteering groups on outings. On one such occasion, at the Gamla nature reserve and archaeological site, he recounted to the group the dramatic account from the period of the Great Jewish Revolt against Rome in 67 C.E. Gamla refused to surrender to the Roman troops, the story goes, and the inhabitants chose to leap to their deaths from the top of the cliff, rather than be taken captive, sold as slaves and handmaidens, and being forced to forsake their religion.

After Kribus read out the narrative of the battle as described by the first-century Jewish-Roman historian Flavius Josephus, the group’s leader, a young woman of Ethiopian origin, added a new twist to the story. Jews, she said, had done similar deeds some 500 years ago, while fighting a lengthy war in defense of their independent kingdom in Africa, in a region that is today part of Ethiopia.

“Her comment took me very much by surprise,” Kribus – who holds a doctorate in archaeology and whose post-doctoral research at Tel Aviv University focuses on the history of Ethiopian Jewry – recalls, laughing. “Like every product of the Israeli education system, I learned the conventional narrative of Jewish exile: Life in the Diaspora was always under foreign rule, Christian or Muslim. And suddenly I hear about a free Jewish kingdom with an autonomous leadership and its own army that is not modern-day Israel.”

Bar Kribus. When he arrived at Segenet village, in the heart of the mountain range, he says, “I was confident this was the capital of the independent Jewish kingdom in Africa.”Credit: Olivier Fitoussi

*  *  *

The written testimony about the kingdom’s existence doesn’t originate in the contemporary Beta Israel community, nearly all of whose members resettled in Israel over the past four decades. The traditions associated with there having been a Jewish kingdom of their ancient forebears have indeed been preserved in the community. However, because they were transmitted orally down through the generations – as tales told from fathers to children – they exist in a multiplicity of versions.
Legend has it, fantastically, that the kingdom was in existence for a more than 1,000 years, under a dynasty of monarchs each called Gideon, after the biblical judge. Accordingly, it’s known as the “Kingdom of the Gideonites” among members of Beta Israel. (The written sources also mention rulers who bore other names, among them Radai, Kalef and Goshen.)

The 12th-century Jewish traveler Benjamin of Tudela, from the Kingdom of Navarre in Western Europe, who chronicled his visits to Jewish communities in the East, mentions Jews who live on mountaintops near a region he calls “Lubia.” Some have taken this to refer to Nubia (present-day Sudan), which is near the conjectured areas of rule of the Gideonite Jews.

There are also legends about a queen named Gudit or Yodit who fought successful battles against the Christian Kingdom of Aksum, led a Jewish army in a decisive campaign and laid waste to churches and monasteries. Other stories tell of Jews who were mercilessly slaughtered and of kings who forced them to convert to Christianity. These and other traditions have been partially retold in books, notably in Daniel Belete’s “Gideonites: History of the Jews of Ethiopia and the Journey to the Land of Israel” (in Hebrew). Belete, an Israeli writer from the Ethiopian community, is working intensively to preserve the heritage and history of Ethiopian Jewry.

A product of the Israeli education system, I learned the conventional narrative of Jewish exile: Life in the Diaspora was always under foreign rule, Christian or Muslim. And suddenly I hear about a free Jewish kingdom with an autonomous leadership and its own army that is not modern-day Israel.

Bar Kribus

Oral traditions about a Jewish kingdom were also common among Christians living in those highlands. In his fieldwork, Kribus discovered that the locals talk about a Jewish king named Gideon, an outsize warrior whom none of the Christian soldiers had the courage to take on in battle. Legend has it that he was finally defeated in what was supposed to have been a bare-fisted fight, but during which his opponent pulled out a knife and killed him.

How far do these tales reflect historical truth? As might be expected, the historians are cautious. According to Kribus, the first testimonies about the existence of an independent Jewish kingdom that are not in dispute date only from the 14th century. An initial account appears in writings from the first half of that century recounting a war waged by the Ethiopian emperor against the “crucifying Jews.” The regions where the two kingdoms – Jewish and Ethiopian – fought are also named.

Although the date of birth of the Jewish kingdom is a point of controversy, thanks to a contemporary eyewitness account, there is almost full consensus that it fell in 1626. Scholars maintain that the fortress in which the last of the resisters to the Christian conquest barricaded themselves was situated in a place named – Segenet.

If that was the kingdom’s last bastion, Kribus thought, that would make it the first place he needed to find.

Children at Gondar camp, 2007. The tradition of a Jewish kingdom was glorious, but it was passed down orally.Credit: Eliana Aponte/REUTERS

*  *  *

The field research got underway in 2015 with an effort to identify the places that the various traditions link to the Jewish kingdom. This is a first stage of the project, which will continue for years, until material findings that can validate the stories are discovered, collected and examined.

Kribus and his two associates – Elad Wexler, who was then working at the Jerusalem-based Ethiopian Jewish Heritage Center, and Sophia Dege-Müller, from the Center for Ethiopian Studies at the University of Hamburg – started in the Simien Mountains, where many of the Beta Israel community lived before immigrating to Israel toward the end of the 20th century.
According to the accepted view, this was also the region of activity of the independent Jewish kingdom. The many travelers who visit the area today and enjoy its magnificent landscapes have no way of knowing that they are passing through historical sites that are associated with exploits of battle and where Jewish life once thrived.
The search was based on references in written sources to the existence of a kingdom. For example, a Jesuit missionary from Portugal named Manuel de Almeida, who was active in Ethiopia in the first half of the 17th century, reported on Jews who lived in the region. “In the past,” he noted, “they were the rulers of the whole kingdom of Deambiyia, and now, for many years, have ruled only the Simien Mountains… For many years they had a hero leader named Gideon, who launched many attacks on lands of the emperor and enjoyed great success.” De Almeida went on to note that some of the Jews lived on the summits of mountains and defended themselves with stones. “They simply attack boldly anyone who approaches them.”
The Portuguese cleric also provided an account he heard from a fellow missionary about attempts by the Christian army to seize control of the Jewish settlements. The Jews, he writes, “fortified themselves in areas in the mountains that could not be reached from below other than with ropes and straps, and could not be reached from above other than by the same means, because the sides of the mountains of stone [on which the Jews dwelled] were almost vertical. Some of the Christian soldiers dared to descend in large baskets that were bound with strong straps and gradually lowered [to the Jewish settlement]. However, when they reached the midway point, Jews who were hiding in caves in the rock cut the straps with their swords, and the soldiers fell to their death.”
The acrobatic battle actually evokes the name “Segenet,” which in the ancient holy language of Ge’ez means “observation tower,” and in Amharic translates as “balcony.” But even so, the description sounds somewhat over the top, as it were.
Today’s Segenet is a long valley sandwiched between two chains of high mountains and through which a river flows. One of the small communities that are perched on the steep slopes bears the same name as the valley. The village sits on a broad rock shelf and is abutted by arable land that is extensively farmed; in the vicinity are independent sources of natural water. The conditions are ideal for withstanding a long siege without fear of a shortage of food and water.

The village’s location enables it to act as a military outpost possessing extraordinary natural fortification and offering a clear-cut strategic advantage. Dominating the main road that crosses the valley, it is the transition point between the Simien Mountains and the terrain to the east. Towering over the village is a vast cliff, while below are steep bluffs that make access to it difficult. In a situation of danger, Segenet can be fortified quickly and easily, and the pass blocked, leaving the village virtually impenetrable.

“When I encountered the landscape, which matched the written descriptions precisely and picturesquely, I knew I was in the right place,” Kribus relates. “The next stage is to identify remnants that are on the surface, and in line with the topography to surmise the stronghold’s exact location – and then to start digging.”

Segenet Valley. The last bastion of the Jewish kingdom with an end evocative of Masada and Gamla.Credit: Bar Kribus

Kribus hopes that excavation of the site will provide the answers to multiple questions. For starters: how long Segenet, the kingdom’s capital, existed, what its size was over the years and whether it changed. “We can expect to find the rulers’ residences,” Kribus says. “Comparisons with residences of other local rulers will attest to how powerful and wealthy the Jewish royal family was. If we discover storerooms for agricultural produce, that will further the study of the kingdom’s general structure.

“Object remains will give us information about the technologies to which they had recourse in combat. There’s a description, for example, of a Christian army ascending to a Jewish stronghold after the defeat, where they found a cache of huge boulders that could be rolled down from the heights of the mountain. It’s related that each such boulder has a name. A dig will verify whether these massive stones are myth or reality. This will also add information about the circumstances of the capital’s fall and the end of the kingdom of the Jews.”

Nothing is known about the kingdom’s material culture, Kribus continues, “nor do we know much about the spiritual life of the population. All that information lies in the earth. Remains of objects in dwellings could show how the residents obtained their food, whether they relied on local crops or engaged in trade with their neighbors, which animals they bred and what agricultural tools they used.

“The structure of the dwellings will enable an estimate of how many people lived in each house, and with that information we will be able to deduce the capital’s population during different periods. We will also be able to learn about their way of life: whether they were all farmers or warriors, or whether there were also craftsmen and what crafts they engaged in.”

The historical writings mention the existence of a synagogue in Segenet, Kribus points out. That’s a fascinating detail, because until now no synagogues predating the 19th century have been documented in Ethiopia. “The discovery of a synagogue from earlier could reveal precious information about the religious and spiritual life of the local Jews. For example, whether there were separate wings for men and women during worship and a separate section for kohanim [priests]. And in general, what ideological messages were conveyed through the synagogue’s design.”

The historical writings mention the existence of a synagogue in Segenet, Kribus points out. That’s a fascinating detail, because until now no synagogues predating the 19th century have been documented in Ethiopia.

*  *  *

Written documentation of the kingdom’s existence comes largely from its neighbor, in the empire ruled by the Solomonic dynasty of Orthodox Christian monarchs. Relations between the two kingdoms had their ups and downs. Naturally, history recounts primarily the wars between them. When the Solomonic kings launched attempts to encroach on territory inhabited by the Jews, the court chroniclers of the Christian kingdom began taking notice of developments in the Jewish kingdom.
There were also periods of cooperation and closeness, even family relations. In 1597, for example, an emperor named Yaqob ascended to power in the Solomonic dynasty; his father, whom he succeeded, was a Christian, while his mother was the sister of that era’s Gideon, the Jewish ruler. In 1604, when a revolt broke out against Yaqob, he sought refuge in the Jews’ kingdom.
The latter also played a crucial role in the regional struggle that took place at the beginning of the 16th century between the Christians and the Muslim Adal Sultanate. The Muslims captured territories, put monasteries to the torch and forcibly converted Christians to Islam. In response, the Ethiopian king sent emissaries to Europe to request assistance in repelling the Muslim force, prompting the dispatch to Ethiopia of a trained Portuguese army. As the Portuguese troops advanced on their way to join up with the Christian emperor, in 1542, the Jews offered them safe passage through their territory.
A Portuguese soldier by the name of Miguel de Castanhoso, who took part in the campaign and wrote an account of it, noted that a Jewish officer had invited the troops to the “Hill of the Jews.” His account indicates that the Christian forces remained at the Jewish site for a lengthy period. Obtaining weapons and food, they trained and organized ahead of the battles against the Muslim occupation. According to the soldier’s account, thousands of Jews lived on the hill, though this sounds excessive for one community in that period.
Kribus investigated the subject of the Hill of the Jews on the ground, seeking its exact location and historical role. Written sources mention “the hill of the Jews” synonymously with a place called “Saloa.” That name has been preserved in a still-existing community that is located not far from Segenet, at a site that is quite compatible with the events of the war as recounted by the soldier. However, other sources, dating from about 100 years later, mention the Hill of the Jews as being synonymous with a different site, some 20 kilometers to the south.
Both sites are on the same mountain plateau. We have, then, testimony about thousands of Jews living on the Hill of the Jews, as well as about other places that are identified as such by various witnesses. Accordingly, we can conclude that Jewish communities were scattered across the entire plateau, or at least that there were communities under Jewish governance in these places. The chronological gap between the testimonies – about 100 years – hints at a continuity of Jewish rule in the region.

.

The fact that the Beta Israel kingdom posed a military and ideological challenge to the Solomonic dynasty, which was the largest and most influential kingdom in the region over a period of hundreds of years, underscores the Jewish might in the region. Despite its small dimensions, the Jewish kingdom was able to survive for 300 years. Its durability in the face of a far larger regional power is a considerable achievement in itself.

Indeed, the Jews of Ethiopia possessed singular independence in ruling themselves. The chronicles also note the existence of an administrative division in the Jewish kingdom, into at least two separate districts, perhaps more. Muslim and Christian accounts also tell of communities that lived under Jewish governance.

A text written by one of the chroniclers in the Solomonic court reflects the confidence and the sense of potency that the Jews displayed. The writer complained about the brazenness of the leader of the Jews, who dared “to call the mountains by the names of the mountains of Israel. One he called Mount Sinai, the other he called Mount Tabor.” This attests to the hegemony of the Jews – marking the territory they ruled with names associated with the biblical Land of Israel.

According to the chronicles, at some point in the 15th century the Jews refused to pay taxes to the Christian emperor. The refusal led to war, in the wake of which the emperor expropriated part of the Jewish lands; he declared that those who did not convert to Christianity would lose their hold on the land they owned. The wars that followed gradually reduced the kingdom’s areas of political autonomy to the slopes and peaks of the Simien Mountains.

*  *  *

The kingdom of the Jews was finally eradicated by the Emperor Susenyos in the third decade of the 17th century. By that time the kingdom was already considerably smaller. Susneyos waged three campaigns until Gideon, the Jews’ leader, was killed. Afterward, he stationed army forces at key points, massacred the Jews in the area, laid siege to their capital, Segenet, and brought about the surrender of those entrenched in the eponymous last fortress there.
The written sources relate with amazement the Jews’ heroism in the battles. There is an account of a Jewish woman who was taken captive by a Christian soldier and was led, bound, along the edge of the cliff. Suddenly the woman jumped, pulling the soldier with her into the abyss. “How wondrous the heroism of this woman,” the chronicler of the conquering army writes, and also expresses his astonishment at other cases of Jews who plunged from the cliff to avoid being taken into captivity.

Residents of the village of Segenet.Credit: Bar Kribus

There is no doubt that the chronicler was influenced by the writings of Flavius Josephus, as he refers directly to the events of the Great Revolt and notes that the Jews told themselves, “We will kill ourselves as our forefathers did in the days of Titus son of Vespasian.”

Susneyos coerced the Jews to surrender to Christianity. According to the chronicles, in order to drive home the fact of their submission, he commanded them to plow the land on the Sabbath. Nevertheless, a Jewish community survived in the Simien Mountains, from which, as noted above, many of the members of the Ethiopian community in Israel originate

The memory of their independent kingdom and its heroic end continue to be an important element in the identity of Ethiopia’s Jews and a source of deep pride. The village of Simien Minata in the Simien Mountains, for example, became sacred in the wake of an exceptional tradition, and over the generations became a significant spiritual center for the community.

According to the tradition, during the period of the forced conversions to Christianity, Jews who refused to comply with the edict fled to the mountaintops. When the army approached, they entered a box tied to the brink of a cliff, then cut the rope, causing them to fall to their deaths.

According to the tradition, during the period of the forced conversions to Christianity, Jews who refused to comply with the edict fled to the mountaintops. When the army approached, they all entered a box that was tied with a rope to the brink of a cliff, then cut the rope, causing them to fall to their deaths. In every place a Jew fell a spring gushed forth, and each spring possesses singular healing virtues. In the course of time, an important Jewish spiritual center was established in the community, which offered training and ordination for the priesthood. (Among Ethiopian Jews, religious leaders are called priests, rather than rabbis.)

Stories of collective suicide seem to run like a thread through Jewish history across the continents. “Look at Masada,” Kribus says. “Flavius Josephus left us a heroic story about the Jewish rebels who committed suicide after barricading themselves [on the mountain-top] for a lengthy period. For years a debate raged among scholars: Did they really kill themselves as related by Josephus, or was the gifted historian invoking a literary genre that was a convention in that period?

“When the great [Israeli] archaeologists Shmarya Gutmann and Yigael Yadin arrived at Masada [in 1963] at the head of their teams of excavators and uncovered the ruins, they discovered the ‘cave of skeletons’ that contained the remains of at least 15 people of different ages. It was a critical finding that brought us close to a decision on the issue of the credibility of Josephus’ report. Just as at Masada, here too, only archaeological excavations will be able to give us true answers about the Beta Israel kingdom.”

Overall, Kribus says, “This is an important and distinctive story in the history of the Jewish people, and one that merits broader exposure and study. I believe that this research could serve as a basis for cooperation between Israel and Ethiopia. There is a common interest here to transform the region into a historic-tourism site, which tells stories Jewish heroism and can attract large numbers of visitors from around the world.

“The Ethiopian Jewish community has a long and fascinating history, only part of which has been subjected to in-depth study and is known to the general public. Just as earlier generations of researchers came up with riveting findings at Masada, Yodfat and Gamla, and generations of hikers are thrilled to visit those places and learn about the past through them, I hope the same will happen with the heritage of Ethiopia’s Jews. Once people get to know the sites first-hand, things become far more palpable. They move from the realm of legend into concrete reality that can be investigated and studied in depth.”


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Under US Pressure to Expel Hamas, Qatar Keeps Double-Dealing

Under US Pressure to Expel Hamas, Qatar Keeps Double-Dealing

Yaakov Lappin / JNS.org


Qatar’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani makes statements to the media with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, in Doha, Qatar, Oct. 13, 2023. Photo: Jacquelyn Martin/Pool via REUTERS

The United States is pressuring Qatar to expel Hamas leaders from its territory due to the terrorist organization’s refusal to consider even a short ceasefire and new suggestions for a hostage release deal with Israel.

According to international media reports, Qatar is under American comply with an ultimatum to expel the senior Palestinian terrorists.

While Qatar has confirmed that it is stalling its mediation efforts in the indirect hostages-for-terrorists exchange talks between Israel and Hamas, it has not confirmed that it is ousting Hamas members.

Jonathan Schanzer, senior vice president for research at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies, said, “This is pressure from Senate Republicans, amplified by Trump’s electoral victory. The Biden team appears to be trying to take credit for something that was spurred by others.

“The regime in Doha is trying to simultaneously confirm and deny the news. This is consistent with Qatar’s double-dealing. The goal right now should be to squeeze the regime to jettison Hamas,” he added.

While it is “unclear how Trump’s arrival will change any of this,” Schanzer assessed, the fear of a shift in American policy “is undeniably pushing Doha to make these moves and announcements.”

Meanwhile, “the Qataris are going to continue to buy up assets in the United States, regardless of who is president. This is their way of gaining leverage over our leaders in politics and business,” said Schanzer. “I believe that the next administration needs to conduct a careful and thorough review of these sovereign investments. The amount of money that Qatar has invested in this country is staggering. But it has not yet been made clear why it has invested so much—especially in sectors like education that do not yield a financial return.”

The Biden administration’s ‘last card’

Brandon Friedman, director of research at Tel Aviv University’s Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, told JNS that US pressure on Qatar is the Biden administration’s “last card to play. How effective it will be depends on how Hamas—and Qatar—perceive the Trump administration. My guess is that the Qataris suspect the Trump administration will ask them to expel Hamas, so there is no harm in playing this card now and preemptively dealing with a potential source of tension with the new administration.”

According to Friedman, “The Qataris use their relations with various Islamist and jihadi groups as foreign policy tools to advance and protect their interests. Even if they expel Hamas, they will continue to host factions of the Muslim Brotherhood and let Al Jazeera be used to promote the Brotherhood’s ideology. It is also unclear whether the US asked Qatar to end its role as financial backer and conduit for Hamas’s extensive regional network of businesses and charities, which funded its terror infrastructure.”

(Hamas began as the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood.)

Qatar, Friedman said, “was traumatized by the Saudi-led June 2017 blockade that lasted until the end of the Trump presidency. The blockade was imposed shortly after Trump’s visit to the Saudi kingdom. The Qataris are likely to make every effort to earn the good favor of the Trump administration.”

Asked to address the American military’s ongoing use of Qatar’s Al Udeid Airbase, which Doha spent a very large some of money to build and develop, Freidman said, “I don’t view the US as dependent on Al Udeid. I see it as a source of leverage for the US in dealing with Qatar. It is a symbol of US protection.

“If the US withdrew from Al Udeid, Qatar would feel unprotected. In fact, one might argue it is not a coincidence that the US quietly renewed its lease of Al Udeid for another 10 years after the Qataris brokered the November [2023] deal for the hostages. It was almost as if it was a reward for good behavior or a service provided.”

Addressing Doha’s global investments, Friedman said that “Qatar can use its immense wealth to purchase US arms, which would likely be viewed favorably by Trump. It can also invest its energy wealth in the US economy, which is one of the ways Saudi Arabia won favor with the first Trump administration. It is worth noting that Qatar has been substantially increasing its activities in both of these areas—US weapons purchases [$1 billion in 2022] and investments in the US economy over the past five to 10 years.”

‘No longer serves its purpose’

On Nov. 9, Reuters reported that Qatar is stalling its Gaza ceasefire mediation. Doha informed Hamas and Israel it will “stall its efforts to mediate a Gaza ceasefire and hostage release deal until they show ‘willingness and seriousness’ to resume talks,” the news agency stated on Saturday, citing the Qatari Foreign Ministry.

“The Gulf country has been working alongside the United States and Egypt for months on fruitless talks between the warring sides in Gaza,” said the report.

“The Qatari ministry also said press reports on the future of the Hamas political office in Doha were inaccurate without specifying how,” it added. On Friday, Reuters cited a US official as confirming that Washington asked Doha to expel Hamas, and that the Qataris had “passed this message on to Hamas.”

Reuters also cited an unnamed official briefed on the matter as stating on Saturday that “Qatar had concluded that with its mediation efforts paused, Hamas’ political office there ‘no longer serves its purpose.’”

Hamas has denied being told to leave the Gulf state, which has hosted it since 2012.


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Izrael zniszczył tajny irański ośrodek badań nad bronią jądrową

Kompleks wojskowy Parchin w Iranie, listopad 2022 r. (Fot. 2022 Maxar Technologies)


Izrael zniszczył tajny irański ośrodek badań nad bronią jądrową

Emilia Bromber / PAP


W izraelskim ataku na Iran, pod koniec października zniszczony został tajny ośrodek badań nad bronią jądrową w Parczinie – podał amerykański portal Axios, powołując się na amerykańskich i izraelskich urzędników.

Atak znacząco utrudni potencjalny rozwój irańskiej broni jądrowej – podają źródła portalu Axios i zaznaczają, że Iran w ciągu ostatniego roku wznowił badania nad tego typu bronią, ale nie podjął rzeczywistych kroków w celu jej skonstruowania. Źródłami portalu jest trzech urzędników amerykańskich i dwóch izraelskich. 

Podczas październikowego ataku zniszczono budynek Taleghan 2., a w nim zaawansowany sprzęt służący do projektowania plastycznych materiałów, które otaczają uran i mają doprowadzić do detonacji.

Jeśli Iran zdecyduje się na budowę broni jądrowej, będzie musiał zastąpić zniszczony sprzęt – przekazali izraelscy urzędnicy i dodali, że w takiej sytuacji Izrael będzie w stanie namierzyć posunięcia Teheranu. 

“Ten sprzęt jest wąskim gardłem. Bez niego Irańczycy utkną” – powiedział Axios wysoki rangą izraelski urzędnik. 

Źródła portalu przekazały, że wznowione w ciągu ostatniego roku badania Iranu mogły zostać wykorzystane do rozwoju broni jądrowej. Były ściśle tajne i nie wiedziała o nich większość irańskiego rządu. 

Izrael sprytnie wybrał cel 

Axios twierdzi, że w połowie ubiegłego roku urzędnicy Białego Domu prywatnie ostrzegali stronę irańską w bezpośrednich rozmowach o podejrzanych badaniach w nadziei, że skłoni to Irańczyków do ich zaprzestania, jednak były one kontynuowane. Amerykański urzędnik przekazał, że w miesiącach poprzedzających izraelski atak “istniały ogólne obawy” dotyczące irańskiej działalności w Taleghan 2.

Iran zaprzeczył, jakoby dążył do posiadania broni jądrowej.

Ustępujący prezydent USA Joe Biden domagał się, by Izrael nie atakował irańskich obiektów nuklearnych, co – jak przekonywał – mogłoby doprowadzić do wojny z Iranem. Z kolei Izrael szukał odwetu za irański atak z 1 października, kiedy Iran wystrzelił na Izrael około 140 pocisków, również w odwecie za zabicie w Libanie szefa Hezbollahu Hassana Nasrallaha. 

Taleghan 2 nie należał jednak do irańskiego programu nuklearnego, Teheran nie mógł więc uznać, że izraelski atak wymaga bardzo silnej odpowiedzi, bez przyznania się jednocześnie do naruszenia układu o nierozprzestrzenianiu broni jądrowej.

“Atak był niezbyt subtelnym sygnałem, że Izraelczycy mają znaczący wgląd w irański system, nawet jeśli chodzi o sprawy utrzymywane w ścisłej tajemnicy i znane bardzo wąskiej grupie w irańskim rządzie” – powiedział Axiosowi przedstawiciel USA.


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Pisarze i niedbałe używanie słów

Pisarze i niedbałe używanie słów

Amir Taheri
Tłumaczenie: Małgorzata Koraszewska


Na zdjęciu: Demonstranci popierający Hamas przed siedzibą ONZ w Nowym Jorku 9 października 2023 r., dwa dni po inwazji Hamasu na Izrael. (Zdjęcie: zrzut z ekranu wideo)

„Pomyśl dwa razy! Nie, pomyśl trzy razy, zanim napiszesz słowo na papierze!” Takiej rady udzielał w ubiegłym wieku swoim uczniom wielki perski poeta Muhammad Ikbal, syn Indii. „Przy używaniu słów, niech ostrożność będzie twoim przewodnikiem”.

Ta myśl znalazła oddźwięk w pismach Sajjeda Kazem Assara, irańskiego uczonego teologa. Napisał on: „Usiadłem, aby przyłożyć pióro do papieru, a słowa przepychają się, żeby zaistnieć. Ale czy wiem, które z nich powinienem wpuścić i co każde z nich zrobi?”

Nazwał to momentem Abrahama, kiedy prorok, trzymając nóż w ręku, był gotowy poświęcić swojego syna, ale nie był pewien, czy postępuje właściwie. Czy nieoczekiwane wydarzenie nie powstrzyma go przed zrobieniem tego, czego nie można cofnąć?

Podobne uczucie, które duński filozof Søren Kierkegaard nazwał lękiem, dotyczyło myśli i słów, które raz ożywione, mogą dotrzeć wszędzie i wywołać wszystko, czasami zastępując myśl.

Napisał: „Ludzie domagają się wolności słowa, aby zrekompensować wolność myśli, z której rzadko korzystają”.

List opublikowany przez 1001 autorów z ponad 30 krajów, wzywających do bojkotu izraelskiej kultury w ramach solidarności ze „sprawą palestyńską”, przypomniał mi „ostrożność” Ikbala, „nieoczekiwane wydarzenie” Assara i niepokój Kierkegaarda.

Odrzuciwszy ostrożność, szanowani pisarze zrobili co najmniej cztery rzeczy, których nie oczekuje się od ludzi pióra.

Pierwszym było rzucenie klątwy na wydawców, kluby książki, stowarzyszenia kulturalne, festiwale sztuki i, nieuchronnie, na setki, a może nawet tysiące pisarzy, poetów, kompozytorów, filmowców, dramatopisarzy, malarzy i innych artystów z nimi związanych, tylko dlatego, że są Izraelczykami.

Sally Rooney, irlandzka powieściopisarka, która podpisała list, poszła dalej, mówiąc, że nie pozwoli na tłumaczenie swoich powieści na hebrajski. Annie Ernaux, francuska laureatka Nagrody Nobla w dziedzinie literatury, również sygnatariuszka, wyjaśniła swój ruch jako sprzeciw wobec „instytucji, które nigdy nie uznały niewątpliwych praw narodu palestyńskiego”, nie mówiąc, jakie to są prawa i dlaczego są niewątpliwe, ani czy obejmują ataki takie jak ten z 7 października 2023 r.

Drugim ruchem, którego nie spodziewamy się ze strony intelektualistów, nawet tych z elity politycznej, jest propagowanie powszechnej cenzury opartej na winie przez skojarzenie.

Innymi słowy, jeśli nie zgadzamy się z działaniami rządu Izraela, mamy prawo, a nawet obowiązek, podjąć próbę wykluczenia izraelskich poetów, pisarzy i artystów z rynku światowego.

Jest to tym bardziej zaskakujące, że większość sygnatariuszy pochodzi ze „świata zachodniego”, w którym odrzucenie winy przez skojarzenie jest podstawową zasadą prawa.

Po trzecie, pisarz zawsze daje szansę nawet postaci, której najbardziej nie lubi, na przedstawienie swojej sprawy, zanim zostanie napiętnowana ostatecznym wyrokiem wygnania. Szekspir pozwala Iago przedstawić swoją sprawę, chociaż jest jasne, że nie lubi złoczyńcy. Dostojewski najwyraźniej nie był wielbicielem Smierdiakiewa w Braciach Karamazow i wątpię, aby Charles Dickens lubił Harolda Skimpole’a w swoim Bleak House. Ale obie te nieprzyjemne postacie miały miejsce na wyrażenie swojego zdania w sądzie literatury, który różni się od sądu partyjnej polityki.


W Księdze Królewskiej
 (Szahname) Ferdowsiego nawet zdradziecki Garsivaz nie zostaje pozbawiony swego człowieczeństwa.

Na koniec, pisarz nie powinien rzucać słowami tak lekkomyślnie, jak robią to niektórzy politycy. Słowa takie jak „ludobójstwo” i „apartheid” są werbalnymi granatami. To, że kilku Izraelczyków określa atak z 7 października jako „ludobójstwo” lub nowy „Holocaust” przeciwko Żydom, nie usprawiedliwia rzucania tego z powrotem na wszystkich Izraelczyków.

Jeśli chodzi o „apartheid”, Izrael rzeczywiście budował mury, aby zapewnić sobie fizyczne oddzielenie od jawnych wrogów. Ale budowanie murów, obecnie dokonywane także przez Stany Zjednoczone, Turcję, Iran, Węgry, Polskę i Estonię, nie jest równoznaczne z apartheidem. W każdym razie, gdy Izraelczycy budowali mury, aby trzymać Hamas z daleka, Hamas budował tunele, aby móc ich odwiedzić.

Pisarz nie powinien zniżać się do poziomu ideologa, a tym bardziej do poziomu taniego propagandysty, nawet w imię „najszlachetniejszych celów”.

Sprawa palestyńska może i jest szlachetna. Więc jako pisarz pokaż nam, czym ona jest i dlaczego jest szlachetna. Pisarz nie jest maszyną do etykietowania ani urządzeniem sygnalizującym cnotę.

W latach 60., jako studenccy aktywiści w Londynie i Paryżu, wielokrotnie staraliśmy się zebrać podpisy modnych wówczas francuskich intelektualistów pod naszymi młodzieńczymi petycjami dotyczącymi szeregu modnych wówczas „szlachetnych spraw”.

Jean-Paul Sartre zawsze podpisywał, nawet nie czytając naszych petycji. Wystarczyło, że walczyliśmy o „szlachetną sprawę”. Raymond Aaron z kolei kazał nam się wynosić, mówiąc, żebyśmy właściwie zrozumieli „sprawę”, zanim poprosimy go o kupno biletu.

Niewielu z 1001 sygnatariuszy ma bezpośrednie doświadczenie świadka palestyńskiej tragedii. Jedną z nich jest afroamerykańska pisarka Alice Walker, która twierdzi, że odwiedziła obozy dla uchodźców palestyńskich i była poruszona, podobnie jak były lider brytyjskiej Partii Pracy Jeremy Corbyn, kolejny handlarz „sprawą”, który odwiedził Gazę przed atakiem z 7 października i opowiadał z wzniosłym patosem, jak palestyńscy uchodźcy w obozach budowali gospodarkę i tworzyli sferę kulturową.

Jednak ani Walker, ani Corbyn nie zastanawiali się, dlaczego tak wielu Palestyńczyków w Strefie Gazy nadal przebywało w obozach dla uchodźców, mimo że Hamas rządził Strefą Gazy przez ponad dekadę po wycofaniu się Izraela.

Szerzej rzecz ujmując, oni i 1001 autorów nigdy nie zastanawiali się, dlaczego od II wojny światowej świat przyjął miliony uchodźców z ponad 40 krajów, jednocześnie utrzymując cztery pokolenia Palestyńczyków w obozach dla uchodźców, wymyślając w ten sposób uchodźctwo jako dziedziczną karierę. Nie zastanawiali się też, dlaczego miliony Palestyńczyków osiedliło się na całym świecie, ale nie w Strefie Gazy, na Zachodnim Brzegu i w państwach arabskich.

Ludzie sygnalizujący swoją cnotę nie oddają Palestyńczykom żadnej przysługi, wykorzystując i nadużywając ich niewątpliwych cierpień, aby dać upust historycznej, kulturowej i pseudoreligijnej nienawiści do Żydów.

Jeśli szczerze popierają Palestyńczyków, powinni wezwać do przekształcenia „sprawy”, która w wersji Hamasu oznacza unicestwienie Izraela – sprawy, która od ośmiu dekad przynosi wyłącznie cierpienie – w „projekt” mający na celu ukształtowanie lepszej przyszłości dla Palestyńczyków, wykraczającej poza wieczne obozy dla uchodźców.


Amir Taheri – Pochodzący z Iranu dziennikarz amerykański, znany publicysta, którego artykuły publikowane są często w ”International Herald Tribune”, ”New York Times”, ”Washington Post”, komentuje w CNN, wielokrotnie przeprowadzał wywiady z głowami państw (Nixon, Frod, Clinton, Gorbaczow, Sadat, Kohl i inni) jest również prezesem Gatestone Institute).


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