Alex Traiman
This is no longer merely a trial of a prime minister. It has become a trial of the system that brought him to the dock.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the Tel Aviv District Court, before the start of his testimony in the trial against him, Oct. 28, 2025. Photo by Miriam Alster/Flash90.
Case 4000—the most serious and consequential of the criminal cases against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—has long been portrayed by prosecutors as the centerpiece of their corruption allegations. Yet testimony heard this week in the Jerusalem District Court has intensified claims by Netanyahu’s allies that the case is not merely weak, but compromised by investigative misconduct.
According to Likud spokesman Guy Levy, testimony delivered on Tuesday by Ron Solomon, a serving senior investigator in the Israel Police’s signals intelligence (SIGINT) unit, revealed evidence of intentional suppression of exculpatory material, alteration of professional findings and continued investigative activity even after indictments were filed—all in service of sustaining a narrative that was unraveling under its own weight.
The flagship case and why it mattered most
Among the three cases against Netanyahu—Cases 1000, 2000 and 4000—Case 4000 has always been regarded by prosecutors as the most severe. Unlike the others, it alleged a direct quid pro quo: that Netanyahu, while serving as communications minister, advanced regulatory decisions favorable to Bezeq, Israel’s largest telecom company, owned by Shaul Elovitch, in exchange for favorable coverage on the Walla news site.
Central to that theory is an alleged meeting between Netanyahu and Shlomo Filber, the former director general of the communications ministry, who signed a deal to become a state’s witness in 2018, during his first week in office. The prime minister has consistently denied that such a conversation ever took place.
On the witness stand, Solomon testified that cell phone location data never placed Filber together with Netanyahu at the time of the alleged meeting. According to his testimony, the police had assembled a detailed chronology early in the investigation, demonstrating that the meeting did not occur.
That data, Solomon said, was transferred to the prosecution.
According to Levy, the significance is unmistakable: The prosecution allegedly knew that the foundational claim of the meeting was false, yet indicted Netanyahu anyway while withholding the contradictory location evidence from the defense and the court.
If correct, this would amount to concealment of exculpatory material, misrepresentation to the court and the filing of indictments based on claims known to be untrue.
From ‘favorable coverage’ to ‘exceptional responsiveness’
Solomon’s testimony also addressed the prosecution’s shifting theory regarding media coverage.
Initially, prosecutors alleged that Netanyahu received positive coverage from Walla. During pre-indictment hearings before then–Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, the defense demonstrated that the coverage was frequently hostile, inconsistent and often negative.
Faced with that reality, the prosecution rebranded the allegation as “exceptional responsiveness” or unusually preferential treatment.
Solomon testified that he was tasked with reviewing Walla’s coverage of Netanyahu’s controversial Election Day 2015 statement warning that Arab voters were turning out “in droves.”
His findings contradicted the prosecution’s narrative. Walla was the third outlet to report the statement, later published a follow-up article debunking Netanyahu’s claim, and framed its coverage in a sharply hostile tone, including accusations of racism from opposition leaders.
Solomon testified that he had submitted these findings to the commander of the police’s financial crimes unit—only to be instructed to delete the information supporting Netanyahu’s position.
According to Solomon, the directive came from above, under guidance from the prosecution.
The big picture
The developments in Case 4000 come against the backdrop of the other cases against Netanyahu, each of which the defense and Likud officials describe as increasingly tenuous.
In Case 1000, prosecutors allege that Netanyahu and his family received gifts, such as cigars, champagne and even a Bugs Bunny doll, valued at approximately $230,000 over many years from wealthy acquaintances. The prosecution concedes there was no specific quid pro quo, arguing instead that accepting gifts constituted a breach of trust because it might have compromised Netanyahu at some undefined future point.
In Case 2000, Netanyahu is accused of discussing a possible quid pro quo with Arnon (“Noni”) Mozes, publisher of Yediot Achronot, under which Netanyahu would advance legislation restricting the free distribution of the pro-Netanyahu daily Israel Hayom in exchange for more favorable coverage. The prosecution openly acknowledges that the quid pro quo never occurred, yet argues that the mere conversation constitutes a criminal breach of trust.
A broader pattern of alleged misconduct
Likud spokesman Levy argues that when viewed together, the cases reflect an unprecedented legal theory: criminal liability without demonstrated corruption, benefit or outcome. The picture that emerges is not of an investigation following evidence, but of evidence being reshaped to fit a predetermined conclusion.
Likud officials further allege that evidence in the cases was illegally collected and then selectively leaked to the media during consecutive election cycles, shaping public opinion and influencing electoral outcomes. They also point to the use of state witnesses who, they claim, were subjected to intense pressure and threatened with severe consequences unless they provided testimony aligning with the prosecution’s theory.
These claims remain contested, but Solomon’s testimony, Levy argues, lends new credibility to longstanding allegations of investigative overreach.
The pardon question
Against this backdrop, Netanyahu recently requested a presidential pardon from Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who possesses the constitutional authority to bring the proceedings to an end.
Supporters of the move argue that after years of political paralysis, repeated elections and deep social division, a pardon would serve the national interest regardless of one’s view of Netanyahu himself.
The issue gained international attention after U.S. President Donald Trump sent a letter to Herzog urging him to grant a pardon, describing the case as politically driven and destabilizing.
Whether Herzog will act remains unclear. But after Solomon’s testimony, pressure on the prosecution—and on Israel’s political leadership—to address the legitimacy of the proceedings is likely to intensify.
A case on trial
Ultimately, the court will determine the weight of Solomon’s testimony and the credibility of the allegations surrounding it. Yet one conclusion is already evident: The case once billed as the prosecution’s strongest is now the one most visibly unraveling.
As Levy put it, Case 4000 is no longer merely a trial of a prime minister. It has become a trial of the system that brought him to the dock.
Alex Traiman is the CEO and Jerusalem bureau chief of the Jewish News Syndicate (JNS) and host of “Jerusalem Minute.” A seasoned Israeli journalist, documentary filmmaker and startup consultant, he is an expert on Israeli politics and U.S.-Israel relations. He has interviewed top political figures, including Israeli leaders, U.S. senators and national security officials with insights featured on major networks like BBC, Bloomberg, CBS, NBC, Fox and Newsmax. A former NCAA champion fencer and Yeshiva University Sports Hall of Fame member, he made aliyah in 2004, and lives in Jerusalem with his wife and five children.
Israel Selects Noam Bettan to Compete in 2026 Eurovision Song Contest
Noam Bettan, Israel’s representative for the Eurovision Song Contest 2026, poses in this undated handout photo. Photo: Courtesy of Kan, Timor Elmalach/Handout via REUTERS
