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The Men Who Bring Them Home


The Men Who Bring Them Home

Dovi Safier


Yasar Darom is the IDF unit that spent more than two years making sure every deceased hostage had a proper burial. This week, they finally completed their sacred mission.

IDF soldiers pay tribute to St.-Sgt.-Maj. Ran Gvili, the last remaining hostage in Gaza, whose remains were recovered on Jan. 26, 2026 / IDF Spokesperson Unit

The moment I saw the photograph, I understood what it meant. No caption was necessary.

The body on the stretcher was Ran Gvili—the last missing soldier, the final name in a chapter that an entire country had been desperate to close. He was draped in an Israeli flag, surrounded by men in uniform. Relief and grief arrived together, the way they always do in these moments. He was no longer missing. He was no longer a question that kept families awake at night. He was home.

And then something strange happened. Time folded in on itself, and I was no longer looking at the present.

Suddenly, it was November 2023. A small shul on Moshav Shokeda, not far from the Gaza border. Men in uniform. The smell of sleeplessness and something else I couldn’t name. I had come looking for a way to help. I found something else entirely.

A few weeks after Oct. 7, a friend and I flew to Israel. We did what so many people did in those early, disorienting days: We visited wounded soldiers and then made our way to the amputee ward, where we distributed gifts, sang with the men, laughed with them, and cried together as we listened to their stories. Young men who had lost their limbs but not their spirit. Brave men who had given pieces of themselves so that others could remain whole.

We hit the road and drove across Judea and Samaria, handing out supplies at checkpoints: endless cartons of cigarettes, snacks, whatever small comforts we could carry. Soldiers who looked barely old enough to shave, standing guard over a land that suddenly felt more fragile than any of us had imagined.

Since Oct. 7, Yasar Darom have been everywhere. They have recovered hundreds of bodies—soldiers and civilians alike, sometimes piece by piece, often under fire.

We attended shiva after shiva, sliding into chairs that never grew comfortable, learning quickly that we were not strangers among the mourners. We were brothers. And when they asked where we had come from, we found one simple phrase that opened every door and unlocked every heart: Banu me’America. Banu le’hishtatef itchem b’tza’ar.

We came from America. We came to share in your grief.

It was only on our last day that we were granted permission to head south. By then, much of the area remained a closed military zone. The kibbutzim that had become killing fields. The Nova site, still littered with the belongings of those who had fled: shoes without owners, phones that would never ring again, a thousand small objects that had outlived the hands that held them.

A friend who had made the arrangements urged us to visit a very specific unit operating near the border. She thought perhaps we could help them in some way.

“Leave Jerusalem long before dawn,” she told us. “You’ll want to arrive in time to daven shacharis with them.”

We barely slept that night. The roads were dark and empty, and we drove in silence through a country that felt as if it was still holding its breath. The hills of Judea gave way to the flat expanse of the Negev, and I thought of all the journeys we Jews had made through darkness toward uncertain dawns.

When we arrived at the shul on Moshav Shokeda, the first pale light was breaking over the fields. The moshav itself had been miraculously spared, but it sat directly beside Be’eri—ground that had absorbed loss beyond imagination, beyond tears, beyond the capacity of language to hold.

We were greeted there by my friend’s brother-in-law, Boaz. The shul and an adjoining recreation center had become a makeshift headquarters. Men in uniforms milled about, yarmulkes of every stripe and color on their heads, sleeping bags rolled up in corners. Their faces looked young until you met their eyes and saw something far older looking back at you.

This was Yasar Darom.

The unit was born from tragedy. In May of 2004, two armored personnel carriers were blown up on the Philadelphi Route in Gaza, killing 13 soldiers and scattering their remains across the sand. Fellow soldiers were forced to sift through the debris on hands and knees, collecting body parts while cameras captured images that shocked the nation.

In the aftermath, the IDF recognized the need for specialized units to handle such work with professionalism and dignity. Yasar Darom was established under the office of the Chief Military Rabbinate, with a mission both sacred and strategic: to ensure that every fallen soldier receives a proper kevurah—buried with a name, with dignity, with a grave that a family can visit—and to deny the enemy any opportunity to use Israeli remains as bargaining chips or propaganda tools.

Since Oct. 7, Yasar Darom has been everywhere. In the burned homes of the Gaza border communities, where entire families were erased in minutes. At the Nova site, sifting through the wreckage of a music festival that had become a killing field—where young people who had come to dance beneath the desert stars instead met monsters at dawn. In open fields and bomb shelters and safe rooms that had not been safe at all. Inside Gaza itself, in territory that wanted them dead for the act of reclaiming the dead.

They have recovered hundreds of bodies—soldiers and civilians alike—sometimes days later, sometimes weeks, sometimes piece by piece, often under fire. No one was abandoned; no one forgotten.

We prayed shacharis, the morning prayer, with the men of Yasar Darom that morning in the little shul on the moshav.

It was an ordinary prayer service at first. The familiar rhythm of the words, the quiet shuffle of men finding their places, the low murmur of words spoken almost automatically by people who had been saying them their entire lives.

But then, my friend Reuven, a Kohen, stepped forward to the front of the shul. As he covered his head with his tallis, the chazzan’s voice, which had been steady until that moment, began to waver. Not from weakness. From weight.

And then came Birchas Kohanim, the priestly blessing.

As Reuven began to melodiously recite the ancient words, something in the room gave way. I looked around and realized, with a shock that I can still feel in my bones, that every single person in that room was crying. Soldiers who had walked through horrors I could not imagine. Men who had held what remained of other men in their hands. Weeping like children.

I did not understand. Not yet.

And then it landed.

To do what Yasar Darom does—to recover the fallen, to crawl through wreckage and open graves and sift through debris—you cannot be a Kohen, because Kohanim, members of the ancient tribe that once served in the Temple, cannot, according to Jewish law, be exposed to dead bodies. And exposure to dead bodies is a constant and unavoidable part of the work of Yasar Darom, which means that since the war began, through all those weeks of retrieval and recovery, these men had not once heard Birchas Kohanim. Not once. Something that had been part of the daily rhythm of their lives—a blessing so familiar it had perhaps faded into routine—had been taken from them precisely when they needed it most. They had given up this gift so that they could perform the ultimate chesed, the ultimate kindness that asks nothing in return.

And now, suddenly, unexpectedly, here it was. A Kohen standing before them, hands raised beneath a tallis, blessing them. Men whose days were spent bringing home the dead so that other Jews could be buried with names, with the dignity that Jewish law demands we afford to everyone.

Yevarechecha Hashem v’yishmerecha. May Hashem bless you and protect you.

I have never forgotten that shacharis. I don’t think I ever will.

We soon returned home to the United States, but we went back to Israel a few weeks later and checked in again with Boaz. He described how the team had been brought into the basement of a Gaza hospital that Hamas had converted into military infrastructure. Military intelligence directed them to a room in a subbasement where dozens of large construction sacks awaited, each one filled with what appeared to be dirt and debris. Each one had to be opened. Each one had to be sifted through by hand—slowly, methodically, carefully. They were looking for anything that might belong to someone who had not yet been found.

A fragment of bone. A scrap of fabric. Something no larger than a coin.

There is no way to rush that work. It cannot be done quickly, and it cannot be done carelessly. One missed detail means someone is still not home. One fragment overlooked means a family that will never know, a grave that will remain empty, a name that will never be spoken at a funeral.

They searched the same piles again and again. Piles that had already been gone through once were gone through a second time, and then a third. Because “already searched” is not the same as “fully searched,” and these men understood the difference.

And the work paid off. Three days later, back on the base, they crowded around an 11-inch tablet and watched a funeral. Somewhere in Israel, a family stood beside a grave, finally able to say Kaddish, finally able to begin the impossible work of mourning. No one at that funeral knew how this miraculous recovery had occurred. No one, of course, aside from these holy men who watched in silence, their eyes wet, their lips moving in prayers no one else could hear.

Not every day was spent in the field. The unit, consisting mainly of yeshiva graduates, numbed their pain with studying Talmud and other Jewish texts. For more than two years, they carried this weight. And still they kept going.

And then came the morning, earlier this week, of finding Ran Gvili.


IDF soldiers singing after the recovery of Ran Gvili. The song they are singing is Ani Ma’amin (“I Believe”): “I believe with complete faith in the coming of the Messiah. Even though he may tarry, nonetheless I will wait for him.” It has been over 800 days. Our faith may have wavered at times, but we never gave up. Welcome home, Ran. We have been waiting for you.

The soldier at the head of the procession that carried Ran Gvili’s flag-draped coffin out of Gaza was Boaz. A few days earlier, he and his men had received reliable intelligence that the remains of Ran Gvili—the last hostage, the final name—were likely buried in a grave in a Gaza cemetery. One grave among thousands. Ironically, two miles from the border with Israel, close enough to see home.

But nothing in Gaza is simple. The Alexandroni Brigade secured the area. Fear of booby-trapped coffins required that the elite Yahalom engineering unit examine each grave before it could be opened. A massive team of 20 dentists as well as doctors and medical examiners joined Yasar Darom. On Thursday, Operation Lev Amitz—Brave Heart—began.

Word of the operation leaked to the press. The whole country held its breath.

They dug through graves, one after another. Opened them. Tested remains against dental records. Again and again and again, with no guarantee that any of it would yield results. After nearly four days, things looked bleak. The men were exhausted. The earth had given up nothing.

Until it did.

They found him—843 days after his body had been dragged into Gaza.

We watched from thousands of miles away as they escorted the coffin out of Gaza. Kaddish was recited. And then, spontaneously, the soldiers began to sing Ani Maamin, Hebrew for “I believe.”

A few hours later, Boaz, a reservist who has spent more than 600 days in service since Oct. 7, sent a video message to the unit and their families back home. He was standing somewhere in the ruins of Gaza, still in uniform.

“We made history,” he said. “From the 7th of October until today. The last fallen soldier. By our hands.”

His voice kept breaking.

“Please pass this on to your wives. To your families. This is all for them. This is all for you.”


To learn more about Yasar Darom, or to support its operation, click here: https://www.jgive.com/new/en/usd/donation-targets/123627

Dovi Safier is an award-winning writer whose work focuses on modern Jewish history. A business professional active in Jewish communal life, he lives in Lawrence, New York, with his wife and six children.


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Israel Expels Spain From US-Backed Gaza Coordination Center as Diplomatic Rift Deepens


Israel Expels Spain From US-Backed Gaza Coordination Center as Diplomatic Rift Deepens

Ailin Vilches Arguello


Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez speaks during a press conference after attending a special summit of European Union leaders to discuss transatlantic relations, in Brussels, Belgium, Jan. 23, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Yves Herman

Israel has expelled Spain from the United States’ Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) in Kiryat Gat, a hub established to coordinate humanitarian operations in the Gaza Strip, marking a sharp escalation in an already deteriorating diplomatic rift between the two countries.

On Friday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced Spain’s expulsion from the CMCC, framing the move as a response to Madrid’s increasingly anti-Israel stance and what he described as continued hostility toward the Jewish state.

“Spain has defamed our heroes, the soldiers of the [Israel Defense Forces], the soldiers of the most moral army in the world,” Netanyahu said during a press conference. “Anyone who attacks the State of Israel instead of the terrorist regimes … will not be our partner in the future of the region.”

“I am not willing to tolerate this hypocrisy and this hostility,” the Israeli leader continued. “I do not intend to allow any country to wage a diplomatic war against us without paying an immediate price for it.”

In a press release, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar confirmed that the United States had been informed ahead of time, adding that the decision followed Spain’s serious harm to the interests of both Jerusalem and Washington.

The Spanish government has also been informed of the decision, though it has yet to issue any public statement or official response.

“Spain’s obsessive anti-Israel bias under [Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez]’s leadership is so egregious that it has lost all capability to serve a constructive role in implementing US President Donald Trump’s peace plan and the center operating under it,” the top Israeli diplomat wrote in a post on X. 
.


Established in October 2025 as part of US Central Command, the CMCC was set up to coordinate and manage the flow of humanitarian, logistical, and security assistance from the international community into Gaza under Trump’s peace plan for the enclave.

Since the start of the war in Gaza, and increasingly amid the war with Iran and broader regional escalation, Spain has launched a fierce anti-Israel campaign aimed at undermining and isolating the Jewish state on the international stage.

Earlier this week, Sánchez publicly condemned Israeli strikes in Lebanon and the widening regional escalation tied to the Iran conflict, renewing calls for the European Union to suspend its association agreement with Israel and urging an end to “impunity for [Israel’s] criminal actions.”

The Spanish leader also accused Netanyahu of breaching basic humanitarian norms, saying his “contempt for life and international law is intolerable.”

Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares has also publicly condemned Israel’s military campaign, describing the conflict as “the greatest assault on the civilization built upon the humanist ideals of reason, peace, understanding, and universal law over the abuse of power, brute force, and arbitrariness.”

In a phone call with his Spanish counterpart on Friday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi praised Spain’s “principled and honorable” stance on what he called “US-Israeli aggression against Iran,” urging countries to take a firmer stand against what he described as war crimes.

“Spain’s valuable stances in defending international law and human values ​​have been noted and praised by the Iranian nation and the international community, and will never be forgotten,” the top Iranian diplomat said.

Even though Spain welcomed the recently announced US–Iran ceasefire, Albares said, “Madrid will not applaud those who set the world on fire just because they show up with a bucket to put out that fire.”

As part of its broader anti-Israel campaign, Spain had recently closed its airspace to US aircraft involved in what officials described as a “reckless and illegal confrontation” – another move welcomed by Iran’s Islamist government. The EU member previously blocked US forces from using its bases for military operations against the Iranian regime.

In the last month, Iran has repeatedly praised Spain over its hostile posture toward the US-Israeli military campaign. Trump has lambasted the Spanish government for its stance, even threatening to cut off trade.

In one of its most controversial recent moves, Madrid also announced this week the reopening of its embassy in Tehran.

According to data from Spain’s Ministry of Trade reported by Servimedia, the Spanish government exported more than €1.3 million worth of dual-use materials to Iran in 2024 and the first half of 2025, including explosive components, laboratory reagents, and specialized control software.


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Iran powinien był wystrzelić więcej rakiet na Izrael podczas wojny 7 października – skarży się Autonomia Palestyńska


Iran powinien był wystrzelić więcej rakiet na Izrael podczas wojny 7 października – skarży się Autonomia Palestyńska

Nan Jacques Zilberdik


Autonomia Palestyńska, na łamach swojego oficjalnego dziennika, wyraziła niezadowolenie, że Iran nie wystrzelił większej liczby rakiet przeciwko Izraelowi podczas wojny z 7 października, pozostawiając osamotniony Hamas do walki:

„Niektórzy zastanawiają się dziś, ze zdziwieniem lub bez, gdzie były te rakiety podczas wojny syjonistycznego i religijnego Izraela przeciwko Strefie Gazy.” 

[Oficjalny dziennik AP, artykuł redakcyjny, „Al-Hayat Al-Jadida”, 26 marca 2026]

Autonomia Palestyńska argumentowała, że gdyby Iran troszczył się o Palestyńczyków i nie „porzucił Hamasu”, wynik wojny z 7 października mógłby być inny:

„Gdyby w tamtym czasie Iran wystrzelił jedną czwartą rakiet, które wystrzelił na Jordanię i państwa Zatoki Arabskiej, przebieg tej wojny by się zmienił, a być może zakończyłaby się ona już w pierwszym miesiącu.”

[Oficjalny dziennik AP „Al-Hayat Al-Jadida”, 26 marca 2026]

Podczas wojny z 7 października Palestinian Media Watch ujawniło zmieniające się nastawienie Autonomii Palestyńskiej wobec Iranu. We wcześniejszych biuletynach PMW odnotowało, że gdy irański program nuklearny był niszczony, Autonomia zaczęła się od niego odwracać. Wcześniej zbrojne skrzydło Fatahu świętowało irańskie rakiety i ich cel „wyeliminowania Izraela ze świata”. Ostatnio Autonomia Palestyńska zaczęła kpić z Iranu, sugerując, że Palestyńczycy skuteczniej zabijają Izraelczyków niż irańskie rakiety. Ponadto AP stwierdziła, że Hamas „sprowadził piekło na naród palestyński”, działając na rzecz swoich irańskich „panów”.

W obecnej wojnie PMW udokumentowało, że Autonomia Palestyńska milczała na temat amerykańsko-izraelskiego ataku na Iran i potępiła jedynie irańskie rakiety wymierzone w państwa arabskie. Palestyńskie organizacje terrorystyczne otwarcie opłakiwały Chameneiego, podczas gdy AP nie zajęła stanowiska. Największą obawą Autonomii jest to, że wojna z Iranem „wymaże” kwestię palestyńską z codziennych wiadomości.

Poniżej dłuższy fragment artykułu redakcyjnego AP:

„W obecnej wojnie Iran ujawnił, że dysponuje niezliczoną liczbą rakiet balistycznych. Niektórzy zastanawiają się dziś, ze zdziwieniem lub bez, gdzie były te rakiety podczas wojny syjonistycznego i religijnego Izraela przeciwko Strefie Gazy (tj. izraelskiej odpowiedzi na Hamas), jako kluczowej strony w ‘osi oporu’, której [Iran] przewodził…

Gdzie były te rakiety, gdy ta wojna zbierała żniwo wśród niewinnych ludzi w Strefie Gazy, pod pretekstem odpowiedzi na ‘Potop [Al-Aksy]’ Hamasu (nazwa ataku nadana przez Hamas – przyp. red.), o którym Iran mówił, że krew [dowódcy sił Al-Kuds IRGC, Kasema] Sulejmaniego jest tym potopem? … Ale pozostawił Hamas samego w tym potopie i powiedział, że nic o nim nie wiedział i nie miał z nim żadnego związku!

Gdyby w tamtym czasie Iran wystrzelił jedną czwartą rakiet, które wystrzelił na Jordanię i państwa Zatoki Arabskiej, przebieg tej wojny by się zmienił, a być może zakończyłaby się ona już w pierwszym miesiącu.”

[Oficjalny dziennik AP „Al-Hayat Al-Jadida”, 26 marca 2026]

Amerykańsko-izraelska wojna przeciwko Iranowi 2026 (Operacja „Ryczący Lew” Izraela, Operacja „Epic Fury” USA) – wspólna operacja wojskowa Stanów Zjednoczonych i Izraela przeciwko reżimowi irańskiemu, rozpoczęta 28 lutego 2026 roku. Najwyższy Przywódca Iranu ajatollah Ali Chamenei oraz inni wysocy przywódcy zostali zabici w początkowych uderzeniach operacji, której celem było sparaliżowanie zdolności militarnych Iranu i obalenie reżimu. Iran odpowiedział wystrzeleniem rakiet i dronów na Izrael oraz na państwa arabskie, w tym Arabię Saudyjską, Oman, ZEA, Jordanię, Kuwejt, Katar, Bahrajn i Irak — wiele z nich gości bazy wojskowe USA lub brało udział w mediacjach amerykańsko-irańskich. Po kilku dniach do wojny dołączyła wspierana przez Iran organizacja Hezbollah w Libanie, wielokrotnie atakując Izrael rakietami i dronami. Wojna nastąpiła po miesiącach antyrządowych protestów w Iranie pod koniec 2025 roku, podczas których reżim miał zabić ponad 30 000 własnych obywateli. Była też następstwem wcześniejszej wojny amerykańsko-izraelskiej z Iranem w czerwcu 2025 roku, będącej odpowiedzią na bezpośrednie ataki Iranu i działania jego pełnomocników (Hamasu i Hezbollahu).

Wojna Hamasu przeciwko Izraelowi z 7 października – ponad 1200 Izraelczyków, w tym ponad 800 cywilów, zostało zamordowanych, a ponad 5000 rannych; 251 osób zostało uprowadzonych do Strefy Gazy (w tym 154 później uwolnionych lub odbitych — wśród nich 37, których ciała odzyskano — oraz co najmniej 41 osób zabitych 7 października, których ciała również uprowadzono). Atak rozpoczął się, gdy około 3000 terrorystów Hamasu i tysiące cywilów ze Strefy Gazy sforsowało izraelskie ogrodzenie bezpieczeństwa i przeprowadziło niespodziewany atak, zajmując kilka izraelskich miejscowości oraz atakując festiwal muzyczny w święto Simchat Tora przypadające w szabat. Podczas masakry terroryści torturowali, gwałcili, strzelali, dekapitowali i palili ofiary żywcem, mordując całe rodziny i pozostawiając 21 dzieci bez rodziców. Hamas wystrzelił również co najmniej 5000 rakiet na izraelskie obszary cywilne. W odpowiedzi Izrael rozpoczął operację „Żelazne Miecze”. Hezbollah w Libanie dołączył do działań następnego dnia, atakując z północy. Walki trwały, obejmując ostrzały rakietowe, ataki dronów i starcia zbrojne.

Link do oryginału: https://palwatch.org/page/42057

Palestinian Media Watch, 6 kwietnia 2026


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Hamas Signals No Retreat: The US Fantasy of Disarmament and Peace


Hamas Signals No Retreat: The US Fantasy of Disarmament and Peace

Khaled Abu Toameh


  • Hamas remains fully committed to jihad (holy war) and rejects disarmament.
  • The “Board of Peace” is therefore confronting a harsh reality: Hamas, like Iran, is not motivated by deadlines, incentives, or promises of reconstruction. It is motivated by ideology and by war.
  • In Hamas’s worldview, the war is not about the Gaza Strip. It is about reshaping the Middle East — and beyond — in its own image.
  • Any policy based on the assumption that Hamas can be persuaded to disarm is simply detached from reality.
  • The danger is that this rhetoric is designed to inflame public opinion in Arab and Islamic countries against their own governments, potentially destabilizing countries such as the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain that have chosen a path of pragmatism, normalization, and cooperation with Israel and the West.
  • Hamas remains a partner of Iran’s regional war machine, a committed enemy of peace, and a direct threat to the stability of the Middle East.
  • The question is whether the US is ready to listen.

An April 5 speech by Hamas military spokesman Abu Obaida (pictured) leaves no doubt: Hamas remains fully committed to jihad (holy war) and rejects disarmament. Hamas remains a partner of Iran’s regional war machine, a committed enemy of peace, and a direct threat to the stability of the Middle East. (Image source: Hamas via X)

An April 5 speech by Hamas military spokesman Abu Obaida leaves no doubt: Hamas remains fully committed to jihad (holy war) and rejects disarmament.

Meanwhile, US President Donald J. Trump’s “Board of Peace,” an initiative to stabilize and rebuild the Gaza Strip, seems to be increasing pressure on Hamas. According to a report published in The New York Times, the board has set a deadline for the terror group to agree to a disarmament framework in the Gaza Strip by the end of the coming week.

Abu Obaida’s speech, unfortunately, is an emphatic warning that Hamas has no intention of complying:

“What the enemy is trying to push through today against the Palestinian resistance, via our brotherly mediators [Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey], is extremely dangerous. Raising the issue of weapons in this blunt manner is nothing but an overt attempt to continue the genocide against our people, something we will not accept under any circumstances. What the enemy failed to take from us through tanks and war, it will not be able to take through politics or at the negotiating table.”

Far from preparing to disarm, Hamas is publicly declaring its commitment to continued jihad, praising the Iranian regime and its proxies, and inciting Palestinians to escalate attacks against Israel.

The “Board of Peace” is therefore confronting a harsh reality: Hamas, like Iran, is not motivated by deadlines, incentives, or promises of reconstruction. It is motivated by ideology and by war.

The speech, in fact, is a manifesto of defiance.

From the outset, Abu Obaida frames the conflict in explicitly religious terms. Portraying the war not as a territorial dispute, but as a religious obligation, he calls on Muslims to “unite their ranks in confronting the disbelievers.”

He goes further by describing the current war as a “decisive phase in the history of this Ummah [Islamic nation],” a turning point meant to restore Islamic dominance and reverse what he calls the humiliation of Muslim lands:

“For even if the balance of power is disturbed, our truth is stronger than their falsehood, and our Ummah is one, its enemy is one.”

In Hamas’s worldview, the war is not about the Gaza Strip. It is about reshaping the Middle East – and beyond. It is a call for jihad.

Equally revealing is the Hamas spokesman’s repeated reference to the “Zionist-American assault” on Iran. By fusing Israel and the US into a single enemy, Hamas is openly declaring that the jihad is not directed only at Israel, but also at Washington. This is a direct message to American policymakers: Hamas does not distinguish between Israel and the US. It sees both as legitimate targets.

The implications are worse than they might at first look.

For Israel, the speech confirms that Hamas, like Iran, has not changed ideologically, despite the heavy military blows it has suffered since its October 7, 2023 invasion of Israel. On the contrary, the terror group remains as committed as ever to Israel’s destruction. Abu Obaida’s praise for Iran, Hezbollah, and Yemen’s Houthis underscores Hamas’s integration into a broader Iran-led war effort. Israel is not facing an isolated terrorist organization in the Gaza Strip, but a coordinated regional “Axis of Resistance.”

For the US, the message is equally clear. Hamas is rejecting any notion of compromise or disarmament. Despite repeated calls from Trump to lay down its arms, Hamas is doubling down on its strategy of armed struggle. The speech makes clear that Hamas views American pressure not as a reason to moderate, but as a further justification for jihad:

“The [US-Israeli] aggression will not achieve its results. The illusion of normalization they seek is doomed to failure. Those who hope to impose foreign ideologies from across the seas on our nation do not know the heritage, civilization, and power that the nation possesses.”

Any policy based on the assumption that Hamas can be persuaded to disarm is simply detached from reality.

The speech also contains an unmistakable warning to pro-Western Arab states, particularly in the Gulf. By accusing unnamed actors of seeking to “alter the concepts of the Islamic religion” and impose foreign systems of governance, Hamas is effectively attacking Arab regimes aligned with the US. These countries are portrayed not as partners, but as part of the problem – complicit in what Hamas describes as a campaign to subjugate the Islamic world.

The danger is that this rhetoric is designed to inflame public opinion in Arab and Islamic countries against their own governments, potentially destabilizing countries such as the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain that have chosen a path of pragmatism, normalization, and cooperation with Israel and the West.

At the same time, Hamas continues to incite violence on the ground. Abu Obaida’s call for unity and confrontation, regrettably, is not “just talk.” It is a direct appeal to Palestinians in the West Bank and Jerusalem to escalate their confrontation with Israel into deadly terrorist attacks. The speech’s portrayal of the war as a global crisis – claiming that Israel is plunging “the region, and indeed the world, into its furnace,” is, in addition, part of a broader propaganda effort by Hamas to shift blame for regional instability onto Israel and the US.

Stripped of its religious and ideological language, the message is simple: Hamas has no intention of ending the war. It is preparing for more.

The speech by Abu Obaida is a loud wake-up call. Hamas is planning escalation.

For Israel, the US, and pro-Western states, any strategy that assumes Hamas can be integrated, moderated, or coaxed into abandoning its weapons is not only unrealistic; it is naïve and dangerous.

Hamas at least is being honest. Hamas is not negotiating. Hamas is not moderating. Hamas is not preparing for peace. October 7, 2023, was not an isolated attack. It was part of an ongoing jihad: “The strikes [against Israel] by the fighters of Iran, Lebanon, and Yemen are an extension of the Al-Aqsa Flood [Hamas’s October 7 massacre].”

Israel, the US, and the Arab states aligned with the West might recognize the simple truth: Hamas remains a partner of Iran’s regional war machine, a committed enemy of peace, and a direct threat to the stability of the Middle East.

The question is whether the US is ready to listen.


Khaled Abu Toameh is an award-winning journalist based in Jerusalem.


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London Jewish Community Feels ‘Anxious’ but ‘Resilient’ as It Prepares for Potential Future Attacks


London Jewish Community Feels ‘Anxious’ but ‘Resilient’ as It Prepares for Potential Future Attacks

Shiryn Ghermezian


A person holds a sign near the scene where four ambulances belonging to Hatzola, a Jewish community organization, were set on fire in an incident that the police say is being treated as an antisemitic hate crime, in northwest London, Britain, March 23, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Isabel Infantes

The Jewish community in London is feeling “very anxious” while trying to stay vigilant and prepared for potential incidents in the future after four Hatzalah emergency vehicles were destroyed in an antisemitic arson attack last week, the president of the UK’s main Jewish umbrella organization said on Sunday.

“We’ve had two-and-a half-years of very high levels of antisemitism, obviously, the deadly attack at Heaton Park Synagogue in Manchester just in October, and now this incident, an arson attack in the heart of London’s Jewish community in Golders Green,” Phil Rosenberg of the Board of Deputies of British Jews said during an appearance on “BBC London Politics.”

“It is nonetheless a very resilient and proud community, and we are looking at how we push back and build back stronger,” Rosenberg added.

Roughly 150,000 Jewish people live in London.

Rosenberg, a deputy at a north London synagogue and former Labour councillor in Camden, was also asked about the British government’s response to the arson attack. He said that, with help from the government, the Jewish community in London is now equipped with specialist kits designed to help during future attacks, including equipment that could help with chemical exposure. The equipment was provided through a £28.4 million government grant to the Community Security Trust (CST), a Jewish charity that safeguards the safety and security of Jews across the UK.

“On the way here, I was looking at my WhatsApps. I saw one come in from my synagogue, and it was talking not about the great services we put on, the outreach to local communities, the wonderful art and charity that we do, but about a series of kits we’ve just received that will help the community if there’s an attack to stem the flow of blood, or if there’s a chemical attack. That is the situation we’re facing,” Rosenberg explained.

“It’s sad that it’s needed, though,” he added. “Because what we need to do is prevent this and create a situation where those things are not the things we’re talking about, and those are not the things we need. We want to be celebrating the Jewish community, and all communities in this city, and not [be] in fear of those sorts of attacks happening.”

Last year, there were over 1,800 antisemitic incidents in London, according to data compiled by CST. When asked if the Jewish community believes the government is doing enough to tackle the issue of antisemitism, Rosenberg said the response is “mixed.” He noted the speed at which the British government provided replacements vehicles for the Hatzalah ambulances destroyed last week and other moves by the government, like proscribing the pro-Hamas group Palestine Action.

“The government still needs to go further,” Rosenberg added, before calling for British leaders to proscribe Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and to take more action to combat hatred flourishing on social media, among other issues.

“We’ve seen in our society a growth of extremism … and we are very concerned that we are seeing society being pulled apart,” he said. “We need to come together, among all communities, to push back against hatred in all its forms, including antisemitism, and marginalize those extremists.”


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