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From Wagner to Eurovision: The debate over Jews in music – opinion


From Wagner to Eurovision: The debate over Jews in music – opinion

GOL KALEV


A number of European countries have objected to Israel’s participation in the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest.

Noam Bettan will represent Israel at Eurovision 2026. / (photo credit: Tal Givoni)

In 1850, famed German opera composer Richard Wagner published an essay titled “Jews in Music,” where he argued that Jews are polluting Europe, including through music.

Opera houses and concert halls should not stage music composed by Jews, in spite of their popularity, he argued. European music-lovers should understand that those are not individual composers but representatives of dangerous “Jewishness” that corrupts European culture and society.

Some 170 years later, the debate over “Jews in Music” is back, as a number of European countries object to the Jewish state’s participation in the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest – Europe’s favorite pastime watched by nearly 200 million viewers, where every state submits a song that gets ranked by the other countries. Indeed, Eurovision is broadly perceived as Europe’s popularity contest for nations.

Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia took a step further than Wagner. They not only warned of the “unconscionable” participation of the Jewish state, once again accused of committing crimes against humanity, but have also taken measures to protect Europeans: They enacted an unprecedented “total broadcasting blackout,” making sure their citizens would not be able to watch Eurovision.

Like Wagner, Spanish Culture Minister Ernest Urtasun explained that “it is not an individual artist who participates but someone who participates on behalf of that country’s citizens.”

Pro-Palestinian protestors hold a flag and a banner outside the RTE (Radio Telefis Eireann) Irish public service broadcaster television studios as demonstrators call for an Irish boycott of the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest if there is Israeli participation, in Dublin, Ireland, November 1, 2025. (credit: CLODAGH KILCOYNE/REUTERS)

Similarly, Ireland argued that collaborating with an art event in which Israel participates is inconsistent with the “conscience” of Ireland.

Boycotting Israel

For the last 2,300 years, Europe has tried to eradicate the Jewish nation and negate the concept of Judaism – sometimes through physical means, like in the previous century, and sometimes through ideological ones like in our time: negating the idea of Judaism by negating the idea of the Jewish state.

Europe makes it clear that it prioritizes the assault on Judaism over self-preservation. For example, European recognition of a Palestinian state had no effect on Israel or the Middle East but helped fuel the nascent European Muslim national movement.

Similarly, Spain and Italy canceling security and military contracts with Israel has no impact on the Israeli economy but could have devastating consequences for the safety of European civilians and soldiers – should those ever be in battle.

The 2026 Eurovision boycott is in line with such European prioritization. European broadcasters could have simply turned to a commercial break when Israel was performing but instead decided to rob millions of Europeans from the popular art event, perhaps borrowing the Judeo-Christian concepts of pure and impure (a small portion of pork placed on a kosher plate makes the entire dish non-kosher).

Apologists for this European state-sponsored antisemitism argue that it is not Europe’s fault but Israel’s. In previous years, the logic goes, it was ok to enjoy an art event in which the Jewish state participated because Israel was well-behaved, but now Israel has gone astray: It engaged in brutal fighting in Gaza, it invaded Lebanon, and it is building settlements.

It is not Israel but Europe that changed

The 1978 Israeli Eurovision victory was a turning point in Israel’s national confidence, instilling the sense that “we are loved by Europe.” Indeed, the winning Israeli song, “Abanibi,” was about love.

This was a decade after Israel took over the West Bank and Gaza, and during the years in which Israel engaged in intensive counterinsurgency operations in Gaza, condemned by much of the Western world. It was a month after Israel invaded Lebanon in reaction to PLO terrorism (“Litani Operation”), drawing sharp rebuke by the international community.

It was also at a high point of the Israeli settlement expansion project. Those began in the mid-1970s and accelerated after the 1977 election of right-wing prime minister Menachem Begin. By the time Europe chose Israel as the winner of the 1978 Eurovision, there were dozens of new settlements.

The following year, the Eurovision Song Contest was held in Jerusalem, the capital of Israel. None of the European countries boycotted it (Turkey did). Once again, Europeans expressed their love to the Jewish state and chose Israel as the winner, with a song that praises God – “Hallelujah.”

By the early 1980s, Israel’s invasion of Lebanon was full-scale, reaching Beirut. Settlement expansion was on a steep trajectory, and in what was broadly condemned by the West, Israel obliterated Iraq’s nuclear capabilities built by Saddam Hussein.

No doubt, Israeli actions in the 1980s were more “extreme” than those of the 2020s. What was the reaction of Europeans?

In 1982, Europeans awarded Israel the second place in the Eurovision contest with the song “Hora,” which celebrates Zionism.

In 1983, once again, they awarded Israel the second place with the song “Chai,” known for its rallying call “The nation of Israel is alive.”

Twenty European nations stood firm in their love of Israel and support for Zionism. This was as Israel was fighting in Gaza, invading Lebanon, engaging in daring foreign operations, and rapidly expanding Jewish life in Judea and Samaria.

How could this happen?

There was no EU yet to orchestrate the indoctrination of the global population against the Jewish state, and there was no longer Wagner – his vision fully implemented by the Nazis during last century’s attempt to eradicate Judaism.

In 1990, Italy won the Eurovision contest with a song celebrating the upcoming formation of the European Union: “Together, unite, unite, Europe.” Since then, Europe seems to unite in its opposition to Israel and, as US President Donald Trump stated, to America as well.

While Europe is on an anti-Jewish rush, there are also a growing number of Europeans that are calling for a historic shift in Europe’s assault on Judaism. Rather than block the music coming from Zion, enjoy it – Hallelujah!


The writer is the author of the new book From Survival to Peace. He is also the author of The Assault on Judaism: The Existential Threat is Coming from the West (2024), and of Judaism 3.0: Judaism’s Transformation to Zionism (2022). He is chairman of the Judaism 3.0 think tank. For his geopolitical analysis, visit EuropeAndJerusalem.com.


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Germany’s Main Mosque Network Under Fire Over Speakers Accused of Antisemitic Incitement


Germany’s Main Mosque Network Under Fire Over Speakers Accused of Antisemitic Incitement

Ailin Vilches Arguello


Pro-Palestinian demonstrators during a protest against Israel to mark the 77th anniversary of the “Nakba” or catastrophe, in Berlin, Germany, May 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Axel Schmidt

Germany’s main mosque association is facing growing controversy over speakers scheduled for its Cultural Days, a public program of community events, as experts warn of antisemitic incitement on a public stage and call for the event to be canceled.

Organized by the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DITIB) in Hamburg, a city in northern Germany, the event is being advertised as a family-friendly gathering.

However, political figures, Jewish community representatives, and experts have sharply condemned the event, warning it risks providing a platform for antisemitic rhetoric and raising serious concerns over its tone and messaging.

Under mounting political pressure, DITIB was forced to remove four of the six speakers from the program, citing their hateful rhetoric and the promotion of antisemitic narratives.

“Those who act within our communities must not be associated with positions that express antisemitism, glorify violence, show hostility toward individuals, or incite hatred,” the association wrote in a statement.

Yet the controversy continues, as the event still advertises two remaining speakers who have drawn sustained criticism.

According to German author Eren Güvercin, a vocal critic of political Islam in the country, the two remaining speakers — Furkan Tiraşçı and Mahmut Sağır — have also been accused on social media of posting antisemitic content and glorifying terrorist organizations, raising questions over why they should be allowed to participate.

In several posts, Tiraşçı has repeatedly downplayed or justified the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and referred to deceased Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh as a “martyr.”

“He was a good Muslim, a good mujahid, a good family man. My condolences to the Muslim community. Every martyrdom is a new beginning on the path to victory,” Tiraşçı wrote in a post on X at the time of Haniyeh’s death.

He has also repeatedly shared antisemitic caricatures, including depictions of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with vampire fangs and blood, labeled “killer,” as well as photomontages comparing Netanyahu to Adolf Hitler or placing him in Nazi-era imagery.

As for the second guest, Sağır has been accused of glorifying Hamas leaders and describing the Israeli population as a “cursed community” that has “drowned the world in blood for centuries” — remarks that echo decades-old antisemitic tropes. The quote appears to refer directly to Jews, as the modern state of Israel was only established in 1948.

According to Güvercin, Sağır “shares content that goes far beyond legitimate criticism and delves deeply into hateful ideologies.” 
.

In an Instagram post following Haniyeh’s death, Sağır wrote: “May the Lord receive him into His mercy, may his place be in paradise and his rank be elevated. The fate of those who thrive on cruelty is bleak and will be so. If not today, then tomorrow God will bring about the means to exact this reckoning. We believe it, and we bear witness.”

In the past, DITIB has faced multiple controversies, with some members making antisemitic remarks and spreading hateful messages.

Last year, the German government urged DITIB to publicly break with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s antisemitic and anti-Israel rhetoric, citing the association’s close ties to him.

According to local reports, German authorities told religious leaders to formally break with Erdogan’s hateful statements or risk losing government support and cooperation.

For years, the German government has supported DITIB in training imams, as well as helping to foster community programs and religious initiatives.

Most of these religious leaders are trained abroad — especially in Turkey — and brought to local mosques by large Muslim organizations on multi‑year contracts, shaping the religious education and messaging that reaches the community.

Now, German lawmakers and the country’s Jewish community are calling for a mandatory certification process for all imams amid a surging wave of antisemitism, including multiple cases of religious leaders promoting anti-Jewish violence.

In 2023, the German government signed an agreement with the Turkish government’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) and DITIB for a new imam training program.

By sending imams from Turkey and paying their salaries, the Diyanet oversees DITIB and its hundreds of communities across Germany, shaping the ideological direction of more than 900 mosques and influencing the training of their imams.

However, a new program has brought an end to this practice of sending imams directly from Turkey. Instead, Turkish students are trained in Germany in cooperation with the German Islam Conference (IKD).

With this new agreement, imams live permanently in German communities and have no formal ties to the Turkish government. Still, experts doubt that this alone will curb the Diyanet’s political influence.


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Izrael: Palestyńczycy podejrzani o udział w ataku z 2023 r. staną przed trybunałem wojskowym

Izraelskie siły bezpieczeństwa i ratownicy gromadzą się przed budynkiem w Tel Awiwie, po tym jak został on trafiony rakietą wystrzeloną przez palestyńskich bojowników ze Strefy Gazy, 7 października 2023 r. (Fot. JACK GUEZ/AFP/East News)


Izrael: Palestyńczycy podejrzani o udział w ataku z 2023 r. staną przed trybunałem wojskowym

Marta Urzędowska


Rząd w Tel Awiwie do tej pory nie podawał, ilu podejrzanych trzyma w aresztach. Niektórym może teraz grozić kara śmierci.

Przyjęte w poniedziałek (11.05) w Knesecie prawo pozwoli osądzić setki osób aresztowanych po ataku na Izrael z 7 października 2023 roku.

– To więcej niż zwykłe prawo – przekonuje cytowana w „New York Timesie” Yulia Malinovsky, deputowana opozycji i jedna z autorek przepisów. – Chodzi o sprawiedliwość, pamięć, historię – wylicza.

Nowe prawo przeszło w parlamencie znaczącą większością głosów. Za byli zarówno posłowie rządzącej koalicji, jak i większość opozycji. Ze 120 deputowanych, 93 poparło projekt.

Niespełna trzy lata temu palestyńscy terroryści z Hamasu wdarli się do Izraela i dokonali najkrwawszego ataku w historii kraju. Zamachowcy zabili 1,2 tys. osób, a 250 porywali do Strefy Gazy i przez kolejne miesiące trzymali jako zakładników. Podczas ataku zabijali całe rodziny, nawet najmłodsze dzieci, a wobec wielu kobiet dopuścili się przemocy seksualnej.

Według ONZ terroryści dopuścili się zbrodni wojennych, a być może także zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości.

W odwetowej wojnie Izraela w Strefie Gazy zginęło ponad 70 tys. Palestyńczyków, a enklawa została zrównana z ziemią. Od jesieni 2025 roku obowiązuje rozejm. Obecnie izraelska armia zajmuje wschodnią połowę enklawy. Na razie nie udało się przejść do kolejnych faz zawieszenia broni, czyli rozbrojenia Hamasu, wycofania izraelskich żołnierzy i rozpoczęcia odbudowy zrujnowanej strefy.

“Chodzi o sprawiedliwość, pamięć, historię”, ale przeciwnicy nowego prawa mówią o chęci zemsty

Choć podczas samego ataku zdecydowana większość terrorystów z Hamasu, którzy wtargnęli do Izraela, zginęła, izraelska armia aresztowała setki osób podejrzanych o udział lub o powiązania z organizatorami. Do tej pory podejrzani byli przetrzymywani bez postawienia zarzutów i sądu. Nie jest też jasne, czy są wśród nich ważni terroryści odpowiedzialni za zaplanowanie ataku, czy tylko szeregowi członkowie grupy.

Yulia Malinovsky w rozmowie z “New York Timesem” przyznała, że nowe prawo pozwoli postawić zarzuty co najmniej 350 więźniom. Do tej pory izraelskie władze nie ujawniały, ilu Palestyńczyków przetrzymują w związku z podejrzeniami o udział w ataku.

W czasie wojny w Gazie Izraelczycy aresztowali ponad 6 tys. mieszkańców enklawy. Większość została zwolniona, ale około 1,2 tys. pozostaje w aresztach.

Dziennik, powołując się na źródła w izraelskich służbach, opisuje, że prokuratorzy muszą jeszcze ostatecznie sformułować akty oskarżenia, a w sprawie niektórych podejrzanych nadal trwają śledztwa. Oznacza to, że do rozpoczęcia procesów może minąć nawet rok.

Obrońcy praw człowieka: sędziowie trybunału będą pod wielką presją społeczną

Przegłosowane w Knesecie prawo nie wszystkim się podoba. – To nie do pomyślenia, że decyzjami sądu rozważającego, jaki wydać wyrok, kieruje chęć zemsty – przekonuje cytowany przez dziennik poseł opozycji Ofer Cassif. – Niestety dokładnie to zamierza zrobić nowe prawo – dodaje.

Oskarżeni, jak stanowią nowe przepisy, staną przed wojskowym trybunałem w Jerozolimie, w którym zasiądzie trójka sędziów.

Część procesów będzie transmitowana na żywo w mediach, dzięki czemu Izraelczycy po raz pierwszy dowiedzą się, kim są podejrzani i o co im się zarzuca.

Niektórzy Palestyńczycy mogą zostać oskarżeni o ludobójstwo, za co w Izraelu grozi kara śmierci.

Na mocy nowych przepisów oskarżeni będą uczestniczyć tylko w niektórych rozprawach. Będą mieli prawo do odpłatnego wynajęcia prawnika, ale adwokaci z urzędu nie będą mogli ich reprezentować. Sąd będzie mógł zignorować niektóre zasady przedstawiania dowodów, choć nie jest jasne, które. Autorzy ustawy wyjaśniają, że to konieczne z powodu stopnia skomplikowania i skali przedsięwzięcia, a także ogromnej liczby dowodów.

Tłumaczą też, że opóźnienie w postawieniu Palestyńczyków przed sądem wynika z trudności w prowadzeniu śledztw: potencjalni świadkowie w większości zostali zabici, a zbadanie podziurawionych kulami domów czy spalonych samochodów jest czasochłonne.

Obrońcy praw człowieka ostrzegają, że sędziowie trybunału będą pod wielką presją społeczną, żeby jak najszybciej i najsurowiej osądzić oskarżonych o udział w ataku. – Jeśli chcesz prawdziwego procesu, musisz dać ludziom możliwość obrony – przekonuje cytowana w „NYT” Sari Bashi, szefowa organizacji Publiczna Komisja przeciwko Torturom.

– Kiedy cały kraj jest nastawiony na udowodnienie winy, oznacza to, że to wszystko będzie głęboko niesprawiedliwe wobec podsądnych, a jednocześnie – niesatysfakcjonujące dla ofiar

– dodaje.

Były zakładnik do rządu: “Nikt mnie nie przeprosił”

W czasie, gdy w Izraelu szykują się procesy terrorystów, jeden z porwanych 7 października zakładników domaga się nie tylko ukarania winnych ataku, ale i ustąpienia izraelskiego rządu.

The Mamdani effect: Jewish resilience in face of NY antisemitism


The Mamdani effect: Jewish resilience in face of NY antisemitism

JPOST EDITORIAL


New York, home to one of the world’s largest Jewish populations, should understand better than most that terror only serves to strengthen Jewish solidarity and their ties to Israel.

NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani speaks at a press conference at New York’s LaGuardia Airport in Queens, New York, US, March 23, 2026 / (photo credit: REUTERS/EDUARDO MUNOZ)

There was a time when surrounding a synagogue while chanting for the death of Jews and Israelis would have been recognized instantly for what it is: antisemitic intimidation.

In recent days, New York City has again witnessed demonstrations targeting Jewish synagogues and homes under the banner of political activism tied to Israel and the war in Gaza. On this occasion, the protests targeted an Israeli real-estate exposition said to have been scheduled to be held at the Park East Synagogue.

Criticism of Israel and peaceful protests are legitimate. Anger over war, civilian deaths, and government policy is also legitimate in any democratic society, including Israel’s own deeply divided and war-torn society.

But in New York and elsewhere in the Diaspora, the targeting of Jewish communal and religious spaces under the guise of political activism has again crossed the line, erasing distinctions and forcing Jews around the world into a conflict they are accused of embodying solely due to their identities.

The Park East Synagogue is not the Israeli embassy, and a Jewish family’s home in Queens is not an IDF command center. Yet, Jews from all walks of life, many of whom hold a wide variety of opinions about Israel itself, are increasingly made to feel collectively accused and targeted.

.Hezbollah, Palestinian flags waved during a march in New York, June 11, 2024. (Illustrative) (credit: Freedom New TV)

Jewish people are, sadly, all too familiar with intimidation. 

According to reporting by The Jerusalem Post’s Michael Starr, one activist filmed herself harassing a woman carrying an Israeli flag, calling her a “rapist,” while another man was labeled a “sociopath.” A Hezbollah flag was also visible among a sea of Palestinian flags flown at the protest.

The group behind the demonstrations, Palestinian Assembly for Liberation Al-Awda in New York City and New Jersey (PAL-Awda NY/NJ), is the same one that organized anti-Israel protests targeting the Park East Synagogue in November. At those demonstrations, protesters openly chanted calls for violence, including “Death to the IDF,” “Resistance, you make us proud; take another settler out,” and “Intifada revolution.”

PAL-Awda argued that the event was advertising settlements in the disputed territories, which was ostensibly a violation of local, federal, and international law.

Zohran Mamdani, who was mayor-elect at the time, failed to clearly condemn the targeting of Jewish synagogues in the city. While he “discouraged” some of the rhetoric used at the demonstrations, he also defended the decision to protest outside the synagogue, arguing that “sacred spaces should not be used to promote activities in violation of international law.”

This time around, the chants grew even more explicit, with demonstrators calling for “only one solution – Intifada revolution.” Elsewhere, synagogues and Jewish homes in Queens were defaced with neo-Nazi graffiti, using swastika imagery and spraying the words “Heil Hitler.”

For too many within pro-Palestinian activist circles, Jews anywhere and everywhere have become fair game for confrontation and harassment. To justify this, they increasingly rely on the same conspiratorial logic used by those who vandalize homes with neo-Nazi imagery: the idea that Jews operate and think collectively and, therefore, deserve collective punishment.

One cannot decry the conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism while simultaneously targeting synagogues in the name of the Palestinian cause. One cannot insist that Judaism and Zionism are entirely separate concepts while treating ordinary Jews as representatives of a foreign state.

If activists believe synagogues are acceptable venues for political confrontation, then the same logic can be weaponized against any ethnic or religious minority connected to conflicts abroad.

These demonstrators often argue that they are merely anti-Zionist, not antisemitic, and have subsequently changed their rhetoric to revolve around “colonialism” and “resistance.” But when protesters descend on synagogues to disrupt Jewish life, the message received by Jews is that their identity has once again made them a target – and political rhetoric is nothing but an excuse.

Jewish people are, sadly, all too familiar with intimidation. Therefore, attempts to terrorize Jewish communities rarely produce fear alone. More often, they strengthen Jewish solidarity and could even deepen the connection Diaspora Jews feel toward Israel.

New York, home to one of the world’s largest Jewish populations, should understand that better than most. Its mayor, Mamdani, has an obligation to recognize when protest crosses into intimidation.

In a city where synagogues become battlegrounds, and Jewish homes become canvases for neo-Nazi vandalism, the debate over Israel is secondary to the threat posed to Jewish life.


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Hamas, Oct. 7 and the weaponization of rape


Hamas, Oct. 7 and the weaponization of rape

Fiamma Nirenstein


A new report by the Civil Commission on Oct. 7 Crimes Against Women and Children documents in devastating detail how sexual violence became part of Hamas’s strategy of terror.

Cochav Elkayam-Levy, chair of the Civil Commission on Oct. 7 Crimes Against Women and Children. Credit: Martine Hami/Wikimedia Commons.

When, immediately after Oct. 7, 2023, several journalists and I entered the devastated kibbutzim in southern Israel, the first thing—the most unmistakable thing—we encountered was the evidence of sexual mutilation intertwined with massacre.

Anyone who walked through the homes of Kfar Aza, listened firsthand to accounts of how bodies had been discovered—violated, broken, stripped, men, women and children alike—immediately understood what had happened.

Doctors, nurses and forensic experts working lovingly and desperately to organize the mountain of bodies and human remains at the Shura military base confirmed the horror. We moved among tents and containers filled with the remains of victims from the Nova music festival and the kibbutzim.

They had been beautiful young human beings upon whom death had been inflicted in the most barbaric ways imaginable: limbs spread apart, faces mutilated, sexual organs desecrated.

Everything was already tragically clear because the Hamas terrorists had taken care to film their atrocities themselves. Beyond eyewitness testimony of mass rape, there was direct documentation proving that sexual violence formed part of Yahya Sinwar’s strategy of extermination and terror carried out by the Nukhba terrorists.

At first, the denial of this evidence seemed pathetic and marginal. Instead, it became central to a broader antisemitic strategy of inversion and denial.

International institutions such as the United Nations, even while their own experts acknowledged there were “reasonable grounds” to believe mass rape had occurred, refused meaningful condemnation. Feminist organizations effectively declared the death of their own moral authority, as Lucetta Scaraffia observed so clearly, by denying the greatest assault on women since World War II.

Only because the victims were Jewish.

Now, finally, after two and a half years, comes the monumental report of the Civil Commission on Hamas Crimes against Women and Children: 300 pages documenting mass rape, tortured families, forced humiliation and acts of cruelty almost beyond language.

Under the leadership of legal expert Cochav Elkayam-Levy, the commission compiled 1,800 hours of work and reviewed some 10,000 photographs and videos, cross-referencing testimony and evidence through forensic analysis conducted by 25 experts and numerous volunteers, among them former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

The report includes precise forensic mapping, verified testimonies and detailed identification procedures.

Elkayam-Levy seeks not only to preserve the historical record, but also to establish new international legal standards recognizing rape as a weapon of war and extermination—not only in Israel, but also in places such as Nigeria and among the Yazidis, where sexual violence has similarly been used to humiliate, destroy and leave permanent scars upon entire peoples.

There are testimonies from witnesses who, while hiding, heard the screams of victims and the laughter of rapists before later discovering mutilated and bloodied bodies.

Hostages describe what was done to them in captivity. Children recount horrors beyond imagination.

Among the most unbearable testimonies is what the report identifies as “kinocide”—the systematic destruction of the family unit through sexual violence, in which children are assaulted and murdered in front of parents, or parents before children, while victims are forced into monstrous acts against one another.

Today, anyone with courage can finally confront the full evidence—and with it, the endless shame of the lies spread about Israel. Yet even now, some continue trying to invert reality.

The New York Times, in what has become an almost predictable pattern of accusations against Israel, recently published a column by Nicholas Kristof accusing Israel of sexual abuse in prisons, including grotesque allegations involving the use of dogs.

Kristof relies heavily on testimony from Sami al-Sai, imprisoned for terrorism between 2016 and 2024 and identified as a founder of the Tulkarem Battalion, a group linked to numerous terrorist attacks. On Oct. 8, he reportedly posted celebratory messages praising the “green flag” of Hamas.

Such witnesses, alongside organizations presenting themselves as defenders of human rights, may soon have to confront an obvious question: What credibility remains in their claimed opposition to sexual violence after ignoring, minimizing or denying the findings now laid bare in the Civil Commission’s report?

Beyond sexual violence, what credibility on human rights remains at all for those who ignored, excused or denied crimes of such magnitude simply because the victims were Israelis and Jews?


Fiamma Nirenstein is an Italian-Israeli journalist, author and senior research fellow at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs (JCFA). An adviser on antisemitism to Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, she served in the Italian Parliament (2008-2013) as vice president of the Foreign Affairs Committee. A founding member of the Friends of Israel Initiative, she has written 15 books, including October 7, Antisemitism and the War on the West, and is a leading voice on Israel, the Middle East, Europe and the fight against antisemitism.


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