Archive | January 2016

Nowy Midrasz – Numer: Sanatorium Medema

Nowy Midrasz – Numer: Sanatorium Medema

Rozmowy “Midrasza”
Z Amalią Reisenthel rozmawia Marzenna Guzowska
Nostalgie i konkrety

Okładka

Magdalena Kozłowska
(Nie)urzeczywistniona utopia

Zygmunt Turkow
Chaim Szlojme Kazdan, Jean Stimme
Ostatnie dni Sanatorium

Melech Rawicz

Portret literacki Szlojmego Gilińskiego

Chaim Szlojme Kazdan

Josef Brumberg

Bina Alterman-Sztejnberg

Rywa Berensztejn

Jankew Pat
Zbrojna napaść komunistów na Sanatorium Medema

Roman Włodek

Dokąd prowadzi droga młodych?

Szymon Rudnicki

Władimir Medem

Andrzej Rukowicz
Informacja o projekcie


Biblioteka

Daniel Slomka
Czyja pamięć, jaka pamięć?


Opinie i recenzje

Agata Rybińska
“Z szacunkiem i tolerancją”

Filip Fierek
Zza granicy

Roman Włodek
Jerzy Yoram Gross

Barbara Sułek-Kowalska
Wspomnienie o Joannie Brańskiej

Arkadiusz Pacholski
Opcja brunatna

Paweł Jasnowski
Georges Perec


Przynoszę rzecz, przynoszę historię

Przynoszę rzecz, przynoszę historię


Bella. Midrasze z Arki

Bella Szwarcman-Czarnota
Żydowski Mińsk i je ne sa quoi

Mosze Kulbak
Starzy Zelmenianie

Rebzehojf

Literatura

Jacek Kamiński
I ty zostaniesz Żydem

Kpuję ten numer ->


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A PALESTINIAN MYTH – The so said NAKBA

A PALESTINIAN MYTH – The so said NAKBA

Pierre Rehov Pierre Rehov


According to Palestinians, they were expelled from Israel by the Jewish armies in 1948. A large documentation, and many testimonies from Arab leaders and historians intend to prove that, actually, they fled the zone of conflict because of Arab propaganda, spreading the fake news of massacres… Deir Yassin, among those so said massacres, became a legend. Such as Jenin, and Gaza will be decades later. Pallywood, pallywood…

 


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Warszawa. Obchody Międzynarodowego Dnia Pamięci o Ofiarach Holokaustu

Warszawa. Obchody Międzynarodowego Dnia Pamięci o Ofiarach Holokaustu

Krzysztof Bielawski


27 stycznia 2016 r. obchodzimy Międzynarodowy Dzień Pamięci o Ofiarach Holokaustu, ustanowiony w 2005 r. decyzją Zgromadzenia Ogólnego ONZ.

Święto upamiętnia miliony Żydów zgładzonych podczas drugiej wojny światowej. Jego data przypada w rocznicę wyzwolenia więźniów obozu Auschwitz-Birkenau.

Szacuje się, że podczas drugiej wojny światowej życie straciło około 6 milionów europejskich Żydów. Zagładzie ulegały praktycznie całe społeczności, stanowiące nierzadko ponad połowę populacji miast. Ludzie ginęli w gettach, obozach śmierci, obozach koncentracyjnych i obozach pracy; z głodu i chorób, w wyniku zbiorowych i pojedynczych egzekucji.

O tym ludobójstwie przypominają dziś tysiące grobów, pomników i innych miejsc martyrologii.


fot. Danuta Matloch

Warszawskie obchody rozpoczną się o godz. 16.00 przy Pomniku Bohaterów Getta. W trakcie uroczystości zostaną złożone wieńce, odbędzie się modlitwa ekumeniczna oraz apel pamięci, podczas którego każdy będzie mógł odczytać imiona ofiar Zagłady, także swoich bliskich.

Organizator uroczystości – Fundacja Shalom – apeluje o zapalenie w tym dniu o godz. 18.00 świec w oknach wszystkich domów w ramach akcji Światło pamięci.

– Światło pamięci przywraca życie. Od nas zależy, by to światło nie zgasło – mówi Gołda Tencer z Fundacji Shalom.

Akcja ma charakter ogólnopolski. Zyskała poparcie przedstawicieli Kościoła Katolickiego oraz innych wyznań.

fot. Krzysztof Bielawski

Fundacja zachęca do zapalania wirtualnego Światła Pamięci także na portalach społecznościowych. Zdjęcie świecy można pobrać ze strony facebook.com/fundacja.shalom

O godz. 18.00 Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich POLIN organizuje zwiedzanie tematyczne wystawy stałej. Podczas spaceru po galeriach Zagłada i Powojnie opowiemy o czasach Zagłady i odradzaniu się życia żydowskiego po 1945 r. Spróbujemy odnieść się do dyskusji na temat Zagłady prowadzonej na Zachodzie od lat sześćdziesiątych XX w., w tym także do prób jej negowania. Porozmawiamy również o politycznych grach toczących się w czasach PRL wokół upamiętnienia tragedii Żydów i o współczesnych aspektach dyskusji o Zagładzie. Wstęp bezpłatny, obowiązują rezerwacje.

Muzeum POLIN przygotowało także warsztaty w miejscu edukacji rodzinnej U Króla Maciusia, projekcje filmowe 13, 20 i 27 stycznia, a 21 stycznia specjalny pokaz filmu Syn Szawła. Szczegółowe informacje można znaleźć na stronie polin.pl/


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The Palestinian Authority disregards the rule of law in arresting a journalist

The Palestinian Authority disregards the rule of law in arresting a journalist

Editorial Board


A shattered windshield as Palestinians inspect a car after a ramming attack on two Israeli soldiers at the Palestinian refugee camp of Qalandia, north of Jerusalem, on Dec. 16. (Atef Safadi/European Pressphoto Agency)

A CAR carrying an Israeli family was struck by gunfire as it traveled toward a West Bank settlement Oct. 1. When the driver was hit and the vehicle stopped, the gunmen approached and coldly murdered Eitam and Naama Henkin as their four children watched from the back seat. Soon after, Israeli security forces arrested what they said was a five-member Hamas cell from the town of Nablus that allegedly had carried out the assault.

Now the Palestinian Authority, the secular government that controls Nablus and other major West Bank towns, has made its own arrest — of a respected journalist. Salim Sweidan, a board member of the Maan News Network, was picked up by security forces from Nablus on Jan. 7. A prosecutor soon charged him with “slandering public authorities, making up and publishing false news, violating Palestinian press laws . . . publishing material inciting hatred and violence, and publishing material that can harm national unity.”

Mr. Sweidan, who was released on bail this week, is not a Hamas member or supporter; on the contrary, he is close to the secular Fatah movement of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. His offense was to publish an article on a website reporting that Palestinian security services provided Israel with information leading to the arrest of the Hamas cell.

That this has been cause for his prosecution is worrying evidence of two trends gathering momentum in the West Bank: the breakdown of the rule of law under the Palestinian Authority and the growing reluctance of its security forces and their leaders to maintain a relationship with Israel that has been vital to preserving a relative calm in the territory.

Mr. Abbas has declared that no Palestinian journalist should be arrested for what he writes. As fellow Palestinian journalist Daoud Kuttab pointed out, Mr. Sweidan’s detention clearly violated the Palestinian Authority’s law. So did a subsequent demand by Nablus authorities that a website that reproduced his article publish an apology. Yet Nablus security forces carried out the operation without regard for the constitution or the 80-year-old Mr. Abbas — who himself remains in office seven years after his term expired.

Of equal concern is the security forces’ zeal not to be linked to Israel’s arrest of militants who carried out a brutal murder of civilians. For months, Palestinians have been carrying out uncoordinated but frequent attacks on Israelis. Mr. Abbas and other Palestinian leaders say they oppose the violence but at times have appeared to encourage it with inciting statements, and with visits to the families of Palestinian assailants killed by Israeli security forces. Some Palestinian leaders are pushing for a decision to end security cooperation between Palestinian security forces and Israel. That step would almost certainly lead to the suspension of U.S. aid to the Palestinian Authority and its collapse.

In short, the arrest of the Palestinian journalist is not just an example of the disregard for press freedom by Palestinian leaders. It is also another sign of an approaching crisis that Israel and the United States should be trying to head off.


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WORST NIGHTMARE for US Military New Missile Technology

WORST NIGHTMARE for US Military New Missile Technology

The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation (Russian: Вооружённые Си́лы Росси́йской Федера́ции, tr. Vooruzhonnije Síly Rossíyskoj Federátsii) are the military service of Russia, established after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. On 7 May 1992, Boris Yeltsin signed a presidential decree establishing the Russian Ministry of Defence and placing all Soviet Armed Forces troops on the territory of the Russian SFSR under Russian control.[5] The commander-in-chief of the armed forces is the president of Russia. Although the Russian armed forces were formed in 1992, the Russian military dates its roots back to the times of the Kievan Rus’.

Armed forces under the Ministry of Defence are divided into:

the three “branches of Armed Forces” (вида вооружённых сил): the Ground Force, Aerospace Forces, and the Navy
the two “separate troop branches” (Отдельные рода войск): the Strategic Missile Troops and the Airborne Troops
the Rear of the Armed Forces, which has a separate status of its own
There are additionally two further “separate troop branches” maintained by the Ministry of the Interior, the Internal Troops and the Border Service. These are not normally included as branches of the “Armed Forces” but are nonetheless used in armed conflicts.

The number of personnel is specified by decree of the President of Russia. On 1 January 2008, a number of 2,019,629 units, including military of 1,134,800 units, was set.[6] In 2010 the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) estimated that the Russian Armed Forces numbered about 1,027,000 active troops and in the region of 2,035,000 reserves (largely ex-conscripts).[7] As opposed to personnel specified by decree, actual personnel in the forces and paid was reported by the Audit Chamber of Russia as 766,000 in October 2013.[8] As of December 2013, the armed forces are at 82 percent of the required manpower.[9]

According to SIPRI, Russia spent nearly $72 billion on arms in 2011. Russia is planning further increases in its military spending, with draft budgets showing a 53% rise in real terms up to 2014.[10] Between the years 2005-2009 and 2010-2014, Russian exports of major weapons increased by 37 percent according to SIPRI.[11] According to the Russian Defense Ministry, share of modern weapons in the Armed Forces reached from 26 to 48% among different kinds of troops in December 2014.[12] This was raised to 30.5–70.7% as of July 2015.[13]

History[edit]
The Soviet Union officially dissolved on 31 December 1991, leaving the Soviet military in limbo. For the next year and a half various attempts to keep its unity and to transform it into the military of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) failed. Over time, some units stationed in the newly independent republics swore loyalty to their new national governments, while a series of treaties between the newly independent states divided up the military’s assets.[14]

Apart from assuming control of the bulk of the former Soviet Internal Troops and the KGB Border Troops, seemingly the only independent defence move the new Russian government made before March 1992 involved announcing the establishment of a National Guard.[15] Until 1995, it was planned to form at least 11 brigades numbering 3,000 to 5,000 each, a total of no more than 100,000. National Guard military units were to be deployed in 10 regions, including in Moscow (three brigades), Leningrad (two brigades), and a number of other important cities and regions. By the end of September 1991 in Moscow the National Guard was about 15,000 strong, mostly consisting of former Soviet Armed Forces servicemen. In the end, President Yeltsin tabled a decree “On the temporary position of the Russian Guard”, but it was not put into practice.[16]

After signing the Belavezha Accords on 21 December 1991, the countries of the newly formed CIS signed a protocol on the temporary appointment of Marshal of Aviation Yevgeny Shaposhnikov as Minister of Defence and commander of the armed forces in their territory, including strategic nuclear forces. On 14 February 1992 Shaposhnikov formally became Supreme Commander of the CIS Armed Forces. On 16 March 1992 a decree by Boris Yeltsin created The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation the operational control of Allied High Command and the Ministry of Defense, which was headed by President. Finally, on 7 May 1992 Yeltsin signed a decree establishing the armed forces and Yeltsin assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander.[17]

In May 1992 General Colonel Pavel Grachev became the Minister of Defence, and was made Russia’s first Army General on assuming the post. By August or December 1993 CIS military structures had become CIS military cooperation structures with all real influence lost.[18]

In the next few years, Russian forces withdrew from central and eastern Europe, as well as from some newly-independent post-Soviet republics.

 


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