Archive | 2015/04/20

Why I require FBI agents to visit the Holocaust Museum

Why I require FBI agents to visit the Holocaust Museum

By James B. Comey – the director of the FBI.


This commentary is adapted from a speech given Wednesday at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum’s 2015 National Tribute Dinner.

Visitors to the United States Holocaust Museum pass beneath a cast taken from the original entrance to the Auschwitz death camp, inscribed with the phrase Arbeit Macht Frei (Work Makes One Free). (Bill O’Leary/WASHINGTON POST)

I believe that the Holocaust is the most significant event in human history. And I mean “significant” in two different ways.

It is, of course, significant because it was the most horrific display in world history of inhumanity, one that simply defies words and challenges meaning. I was born into an Irish Catholic family in this great, wonderful and safe country, but the Holocaust has always haunted me, and it has long stood as a stumbling block to faith.

How could such a thing be? How is that consistent with the concept of a loving God? How is that in any way reconcilable with the notion of a God with a role in human history? How could there possibly be meaning in life, when so many lives were snuffed out in such a fashion?

I have asked those questions since I was a young teenager. I have asked them my entire life. I asked the same questions standing in the pit at Ground Zero in early 2002. I have asked those questions many times as I have confronted unimaginable suffering and loss.

And I know I am in good company asking such questions. Last month, on a flight home from Eastern Europe, I reread Viktor Frankl’s wrenching “Man’s Search for Meaning,” in which he seeks to find meaning in suffering and loving, among other things.

And going much farther back, back before I was a religious studies major in college, I recalled the voice from the whirlwind in the Book of Job, rebuking us for even asking the question “Why?” “How dare you!” the voice seems to say. “It is not for you to ask, it is not for you to know.”

And yet I ask, as so many of us do. And I still don’t know.

But I do know this: I know it is our duty, our obligation, to make sure some good comes from unimaginable bad. Not so we can comfort ourselves by saying, “Oh, that was worth it then.” That’s nonsense. That would be perverse. It will never be “worth it.”

Instead, I believe it is simply our duty to do that, and I believe this is truth no matter where you come from on a philosophical or religious spectrum. Our obligation is to refuse to let bad win, to refuse to let evil hold the field. As Abraham Lincoln said on a field of unimaginable pain and loss, it is essential “that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain.” Our resolution does not justify the loss, but we simply cannot be alive and give up.

There are so many ways to fight evil to ensure it doesn’t hold the field. Some do this through public service that can involve actual physical battles against evil; others by different kinds of service, including the service of teaching a world what happened, teaching a world what is true.

The Holocaust was, as I said, the most horrific display in world history of inhumanity. But it was also the most horrific display in world history of our humanity, of our capacity for evil and for moral surrender.

And that second significance is the reason I require every new FBI special agent and intelligence analyst to go to the Holocaust Museum. Naturally, I want them to learn about abuse of authority on a breathtaking scale. But I want them to confront something more painful and more dangerous: I want them to see humanity and what we are capable of.

I want them to see that, although this slaughter was led by sick and evil people, those sick and evil leaders were joined by, and followed by, people who loved their families, took soup to a sick neighbor, went to church and gave to charity.

Good people helped murder millions. And that’s the most frightening lesson of all — that our very humanity made us capable of, even susceptible to, surrendering our individual moral authority to the group, where it can be hijacked by evil. Of being so cowed by those in power. Of convincing ourselves of nearly anything.

In their minds, the murderers and accomplices of Germany, and Poland, and Hungary, and so many, many other places didn’t do something evil. They convinced themselves it was the right thing to do, the thing they had to do. That’s what people do. And that should truly frighten us.
That is why I send our agents and our analysts to the Holocaust Museum. I want them to stare at us and realize our capacity for rationalization and moral surrender. I want them to walk out of that great museum treasuring the constraint and oversight of divided government, the restriction of the rule of law, the binding of a free and vibrant press. I want them to understand that all of this is necessary as a check on us because of the way we are. We must build it, we must know it and we must nurture it now, so that it can save us later. That is the only path to the responsible exercise of power.


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FBI director got it wrong on the Holocaust

FBI director got it wrong on the Holocaust

By Anne Applebaum


FBI Director James Comey (Cliff Owen/Associated Press)

FBI Director James Comey (Cliff Owen/Associated Press)

The Polish ambassador to Washington has protested, the Polish president has protested, the speaker of the Polish parliament (to whom I am married) has protested — and the U.S. ambassador to Warsaw has apologized profusely. Why? Because James Comey, the director of the FBI, in a speech that was reprinted in The Post arguing for more Holocaust education, demonstrated just how badly he needs it himself.

In two poorly worded sentences, he sounded to Polish readers as if he were repeating the World War II myth that most drives them crazy: Namely, that somehow, those who lived in occupied Eastern Europe shared full responsibility for a German policy. Comey put it like this:

“In their minds, the murderers and accomplices of Germany, and Poland, and Hungary, and so many, many other places didn’t do something evil. They convinced themselves it was the right thing to do, the thing they had to do.”

There are a number of problems with that pair of weak sentences, starting with the vast difference between Germany and the rest. During the war, Germany had a state policy of exterminating the Jews. This policy involved not “accomplices” but hundreds of bureaucrats, tens of thousands of soldiers, train schedules and plans. Germany also encouraged the creation of collaborationist governments in other countries – Vichy France, for example – some of which used their own police officers to send their Jewish citizens into the German death camps.

Germany also occupied Poland, but there was no Polish “Vichy.” During the war, there was no Polish state at all. Indeed, it was the absence of the Polish state that enabled the Germans to create a lawless, violent world, one in which anyone could be arbitrarily murdered, any Jew could be deported — and any Pole who helped a Jew could be shot instantly, along with his entire family. Many were. Millions of others died too – Polish intellectuals, priests and politicians were all Nazi targets.

In the course of the war, most of Poland’s infrastructure, industry and architecture were destroyed. In that atmosphere, many people were frightened by or indifferent to the fate of the Jews, and some murdered in order to avoid being murdered. But that doesn’t mean that “in their minds” they “didn’t do something evil.”

Although the circumstances were different, Germany’s leading role is equally clear in Hungary. The wartime government of Adm. Miklós Horthy did pass anti-Semitic legislation and did align itself with the Nazis. But the mass murder and deportation of the Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz began only in March 1944, when that government dissolved and was replaced with a straightforward German occupation. Once the Hungarian state had been dissolved, in other words, Hungary also became a lawless, violent zone where anything was possible.

So no, it is not true, as Comey made it sound, that “murderers and accomplices” in Germany, Poland and Hungary and lots of other places were somehow responsible for the Holocaust. And no, it isn’t true that the Holocaust is a story of so many otherwise “good” people who “convinced themselves it was the right thing to do.”

On the contrary, it’s a story about the power of fear, the danger of lawlessness and the horror that was made possible by a specific form of German state terror in the years between 1939 and 1945 – a terror that convinced many people to do things that they knew were terribly, terribly wrong. If the FBI director wants to take some lessons from Washington’s excellent Holocaust museum, that’s very admirable. But first he should make sure he’s understood what he’s seen.


Anne Applebaum writes a biweekly foreign affairs column for The Washington Post. She is also the Director of the Global Transitions Program at the Legatum Institute in London


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Po Zagładzie — Sesja naukowa i wystawa

Po Zagładzie — Sesja naukowa i wystawa

( dr Helena Datner, która jest pomysłodawcą, głównym wykonawcą i kuratorem wystawy towarzyszącej sesji. )

Wide full hd zrzut ekranu 2013 11 12 o 12.06.02 pm
Głównym celem sesji jest przybliżenie działalności CKŻP z punktu widzenia ludzi pracujących w i na rzecz Komitetu oraz problemów, którym ta instytucja musiała sprostać.

Żydzi polscy, którzy przeżyli wojnę, mieli jedną wspólną nadzieję – żyć bezpiecznie. Jednak różne były wyobrażenia o sposobie realizacji tego celu. Jedni – syjoniści – wierzyli, że przyszłością dla narodu żydowskiego jest własne państwo w Palestynie, drudzy za najlepsze rozwiązanie uznali udział w tworzeniu nowej, lepszej Polski. Część z ocalonych bez żadnej nadziei wyjeżdżała, by być jak najdalej od miejsca zagłady swojego narodu.

Największą organizacją dla tych, którzy zdecydowali się zostać, był powołany jesienią 1944 roku w Lublinie Centralny Komitet Żydów w Polsce. Komitet nazwano centralnym, ponieważ reprezentowane w nim były organizacje żydowskie i partie polityczne, które po wojnie wznowiły działalność. Dodatkowo jego rangę podnosił fakt, że władze traktowały go jako reprezentanta ludności żydowskiej, a jego działalność obejmowała wszystkie sfery życia począwszy od opieki społecznej po kulturę. Poszczególne wydziały CKŻP zajmowały się wszelkimi sprawami niezbędnymi do prawidłowego funkcjonowania w powojennej Polsce, między innymi pomocą w poszukiwaniu rodzin, prowadzeniem kartotek ocalonych, upamiętnianiem zamordowanych, opieką społeczną dla tych, którzy wracali nie mając nic i nikogo, organizowaniem domów dziecka i szkół, a po pogromie kieleckim — również samoobroną.

W trakcie sesji, pracownicy Instytutu będą prezentowali wyniki badań nad działalnością CKŻP, wystąpienia zostaną uzupełnione komentarzami ze strony uznanych specjalistów z innych ośrodków naukowych. Pod koniec pierwszego dnia sesji zapraszamy na wernisaż wystawy „Po Zagładzie. Centralny Komitet Żydów w Polsce (1944–1950)”.

Na wystawie zostaną zaprezentowane zdjęcia i obszerny zbiór dokumentów obrazujących mało znane aspekty życia Żydów po wojnie. Po raz pierwszy zostaną pokazane plakaty oraz afisze kulturalne i politycznie ze zbiorów ŻIH. Na wystawie będzie można też zobaczyć fragmenty filmów fabularnych i dokumentalnych obrazujących zarówno nadzieję syjonistyczną, jak i elementy życia żydowskiego w Polsce – zagranicznych sponsorów, ochronę zdrowia, szkoły, Muzeum na Majdanku.

W ŻIH przechowywane są dwa szczególnie cenne zbiory dokumentów: wojenny – Archiwum Ringelbluma i powojenny – Centralnego Komitetu Żydów w Polsce. Rozpoczęliśmy wydawanie opracowań monograficznych tych dokumentów. Dotychczas ukazały się dwa tomy z serii „Z dziejów Centralnego Komitetu Żydów w Polsce”: dr Aliny Całej Ochrona bezpieczeństwa fizycznego Żydów w Polsce powojennej. Komisje Specjalne przy Centralnym Komitecie Żydów w Polsce i prof. Andrzeja Żbikowskiego Sąd Społeczny przy CKŻP. Wojenne rozliczenia społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce. W trakcie sesji zostanie zaprezentowany najnowszy tom autorstwa dr. Augusta Grabskiego Centralny Komitet Żydów w Polsce (1944–1950). Historia polityczna.

Zapraszamy do zobaczenia dokumentów dotyczących CKŻP.

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