Archive | 2026/09/30

Ponad tysiąc nieznanych zdjęć z czasów II wojny światowej trafiło do polskich zbiorów

Uciekający z obszaru walk na Ochocie mieszkańcy oraz przyglądający się nim niemieccy żołnierze – zdjęcie wykonane na terenie cegielni stojącej przy Gliniankach Szczęśliwickich (otoczenie obecnej Górki Szczęśliwickiej). Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego


Ponad tysiąc nieznanych zdjęć z czasów II wojny światowej trafiło do polskich zbiorów

(PAP)


Nieznane dotąd zdjęcia z września 1939 r. z Warszawy i innych polskich miast wzbogaciły zbiory Instytutu Pileckiego i Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego. Cyfrowe kopie polskim placówkom przekazało francuskie wojskowe archiwum audiowizualne ECPAD.

Umowę o przejęciu zdjęć w czwartek w obecności ambasadora Francji w Polsce podpisali dyrektor Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego Jan Ołdakowski oraz dyrektor Instytutu Pileckiego Karol Madaj. Étienne de Poncins, ambasador nadzwyczajny i pełnomocny Republiki Francuskiej w Polsce, podkreślił, że porozumienie wpisuje się w zawarty w 2025 r. pomiędzy Polską a Francją traktat w Nancy o wzmocnionej współpracy i przyjaźni. Poncins przypomniał, że oprócz spraw politycznych i gospodarczych jednym z filarów tej współpracy jest kultura. – Jestem bardzo szczęśliwy, że mogliśmy pomóc w podpisaniu dzisiejszej umowy – powiedział.

O tym, co się znajduje wśród przekazanych do ich placówek zdjęć, opowiedzieli dyrektorzy Ołdakowski i Madaj. Wyjaśnili, że chodzi o część olbrzymich zbiorów zdjęć i filmów dokumentalnych wykonywanych podczas II wojny światowej na zlecenie niemieckiego Ministerstwa Propagandy przez wyspecjalizowane jednostki Wehrmachtu. W 1945 r. całość wpadła w ręce wojsk amerykańskich, a z czasem część została przekazana do francuskiego Centrum Komunikacji i Produkcji Departamentu Obrony (Établissement de Communication et de Production Audiovisuelle de la Défense).

Ruiny zbombardowanych wypalonych kamienic pomiędzy ul. Twardą a Pańską, na drugim planie zniszczony kościół Wszystkich Świętych przy pl. Grzybowskim, w oddali gmach PAST przy Zielnej 39. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

Ruiny zbombardowanych wypalonych kamienic pomiędzy ul. Twardą a Pańską, na drugim planie zniszczony kościół Wszystkich Świętych przy pl. Grzybowskim, w oddali gmach PAST przy Zielnej 39. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

Zasób ECPAD obejmuje aż 3,5 mln zdjęć i 16 tys. filmów dotyczących spraw od początku XX wieku aż do czasów obecnych. Dzięki pracy polskich archiwistów okazało się, że kilka tysięcy zdjęć w tym olbrzymim zbiorze została wykonana podczas II wojny światowej w Polsce. Pracownicy francuskiego Centrum Komunikacji nie mogli tego ustalić, bo te zdjęcia nie były opisane. Dzięki staraniom polskich badaczy udało się już wyjaśnić, co, i prawdopodobnie kiedy, zostało sfotografowane na części zdjęć. W czwartek podczas prezentacji w siedzibie Instytutu Pileckiego opowiedział o tym Ryszard Mączewski z Działu Ikonografii i Fotografii Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego. Wśród zaprezentowanych przez niego zdjęć co najmniej kilka zostało wykonanych ok. 8 września 1939 r., gdy pierwsze jednostki Wehrmachtu podeszły do Warszawy od strony Ochoty. 

Niemieccy żołnierze pozujący na zdemontowanych elementach karuzeli. W tle po lewej częściowo zniszczone kamienice przy ul. Grochowskiej 120, 118 i 116, kamienice przy Kordeckiego 13 i 11, po prawej dom przy Komorskiej 62. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

Niemieccy żołnierze pozujący na zdemontowanych elementach karuzeli. W tle po lewej częściowo zniszczone kamienice przy ul. Grochowskiej 120, 118 i 116, kamienice przy Kordeckiego 13 i 11, po prawej dom przy Komorskiej 62. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego

Widać na nich niemieckich żołnierzy, a także uciekających cywilów. W tym samym zbiorze są również zdjęcia z końcowego etapu walk o Warszawę. Na jednym z nich rozpoznać można prezydenta Stefana Starzyńskiego, prawdopodobnie zmierzającego na rozmowy o kapitulacji stolicy. – Należy pamiętać, że te zdjęcia były wykonywane w celach propagandowych, ale i tak są cennym uzupełnieniem naszej wiedzy o wrześniu 1939 roku – powiedział PAP Ryszard Mączewski. 

Zniszczone kamienice przy ul. Długiej 55 i Tłomackie 8. W górnej części zdjęcia gmach Głównej Biblioteki Judaistycznej i Instytutu Nauk Judaistycznych (obecnie siedziba Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego) oraz otoczona rusztowaniami ze względu na toczący się remont Wielka Synagoga. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego

Zniszczone kamienice przy ul. Długiej 55 i Tłomackie 8. W górnej części zdjęcia gmach Głównej Biblioteki Judaistycznej i Instytutu Nauk Judaistycznych (obecnie siedziba Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego) oraz otoczona rusztowaniami ze względu na toczący się remont Wielka Synagoga. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

Wśród pokazanych podczas środowej prezentacji zdjęć niektóre zostały w Bydgoszczy – już po zajęciu tego miasta przez Wehrmacht, a także w Łodzi. W sumie do zbiorów polskich placówek trafiło 23 albumów fotograficznych (ok. 1,2 tys. zdjęć), 3 431 fotografii z lat 1939–1940 (od kampanii wrześniowej do pierwszych miesięcy okupacji), 5 701 fotografii dokumentujących okres 1940–1945, 41 filmów dokumentalnych, w tym kroniki „Die Deutsche Wochenschau”.

– Zawarcie porozumienia stanowi realizację celów ustawowych Instytutu Pileckiego w zakresie kwerend, powiększania narodowego zasobu archiwalnego oraz systematycznego badania mechanizmów totalitaryzmów XX wieku. Pozyskane materiały zasilą cyfrowy zasób Archiwum Instytutu, obejmujący miliony stron zdigitalizowanych dokumentów z archiwów polskich i zagranicznych, m.in. z Niemiec, Wielkiej Brytanii, Szwajcarii czy Ukrainy – wyjaśniał Karol Madaj, dyrektor Instytutu Pileckiego. Zaznaczył, że nowe zbiory pomogą nie tylko uzupełnić dokumentację kampanii wrześniowej i początków okupacji, lecz także lepiej odtworzyć kontekst wydarzeń znanych dotąd jedynie z pojedynczych, często propagandowo wyselekcjonowanych kadrów. 

Aresztowania ludności polskiej w Bydgoszczy, (prawdopodobnie) 5 września 1939. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

Aresztowania ludności polskiej w Bydgoszczy, (prawdopodobnie) 5 września 1939. Fot. ECPAD / Instytut Pileckiego 

– W archiwum ECPAD znajdują się materiały, o których istnieniu przez dziesięciolecia nie wiedzieli polscy historycy. Dla Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego szczególnie poruszające są materiały pokazujące stolicę we wrześniu 1939 roku, jej mieszkańców oraz skalę zniszczeń, które stały się zapowiedzią późniejszych tragicznych losów miasta. Każde nowe zdjęcie i każdy film to kolejne świadectwo doświadczenia wojny, które możemy zachować, opracować i udostępnić następnym pokoleniom. Naszym obowiązkiem jest nie tylko gromadzenie takich źródeł, ale także ich krytyczna analiza i przywracanie im właściwego historycznego znaczenia dodał Jan Ołdakowski, dyrektor Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego. (PAP) 


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Nothing Has Changed: Palestinian Authority Trying to Partner with Terrorists


Nothing Has Changed: Palestinian Authority Trying to Partner with Terrorists

Bassam Tawil


  • Instead of talking about “reconciliation” with Hamas and other terrorist groups, [Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud] Abbas should be demanding that they surrender their weapons, answer for their actions, and disappear from the Palestinian arena.
  • There are several problems. One is that Hamas and PIJ do not accept Abbas’s conditions. Another is that Abbas is not at all interested in requiring accountability. A third problem that should not be overlooked is: Who is requiring accountability from the Palestinian Authority (PA) itself? Abbas cannot present Fatah and the PA as the “responsible” alternative to Hamas.
  • Hamas is a terrorist organization. Abbas and the PA, however, have their own deeply troubling record, including authoritarian rule, suppression of dissent, and a longstanding system of payments and benefits for Palestinian terrorists and the families of those killed while carrying out attacks on Israelis, known as “pay-for-slay.”
  • US State Department and Congressional reports have confirmed that the PA continued making millions of dollars in payments to terrorists and their families during 2025 and 2026. In 2025 alone, the PA provided $156 million in payments and benefits to terrorists and their families: $126 million to convicted terrorists in Israeli prisons and those released from prison, and $30 million to the families of Palestinian terrorists who died while committing their acts of terrorism.
  • According to Palestinian Authority television, the prioritization of “pay-for-slay” above all other PA budget expenses has caused the PA healthcare system to be “on the verge of collapse.” Without “pay-for-slay” salaries, one released terrorist declared on PA television, it would be impossible to recruit terrorists.
  • Abbas announced the elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council to appease Western aid donors. He just wants more of their money. The elections will not improve the situation for Palestinians: the choice for them remains between two bad parties: Fatah and Hamas. The United States and the Europeans should demand that Abbas stop paying terrorists and their families. That is more important than holding elections.
  • Abbas’s proposed “reconciliation” should not be presented as a choice between a supposedly “moderate” Fatah and a supposedly extremist Hamas. That Hamas is simply worse in certain aspects does not make the Palestinian Authority’s conduct acceptable.
  • If Abbas’s conditions are genuine, all the terrorist groups would first have to undergo a fundamental transformation, including the Palestinian Authority itself. This change would include recognizing Israel’s right to exist and dismantling the armed wings of Hamas and all the other Palestinian terrorist groups. Only then could they operate under Abbas’s stated principle of “one state with one set of institutions and one weapons and without militias.” Meanwhile, Abbas gets to retain his multi-million-dollar “pay-for-slay” program.
  • Bringing a terrorist group such as Hamas into a political arrangement, however, hardly constitutes reform. For years, Fatah and Hamas have competed for power while Palestinians have paid the price of political division, repression, corruption and armed conflict. The political contest in the PA is not about who will bring democracy and a strong economy to the Palestinians. It is still a contest over power, money and control.
  • The Palestinians do not need another photograph of Fatah and Hamas officials shaking hands and hugging each other in Cairo. They need functioning institutions. They need accountability. They need freedom from political repression. They need a political system in which no faction can maintain private armies or militias.
  • A Palestinian political system that incorporates Iran’s terror proxies – Hamas and PIJ – means that Palestinian leaders still view these terrorist groups as legitimate actors.

Hamas is a terrorist organization. Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, however, have their own deeply troubling record, including… a longstanding system of payments and benefits for Palestinian terrorists and the families of those killed while carrying out attacks on Israelis, known as “pay-for-slay.” “[I]f we have only a single penny left,” he said in February 2025, “it will go to the prisoners and the martyrs. I will not allow a reduction in our commitments to them.” (Image source: MEMRI)

On the eve of the third anniversary of the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 massacre in Israel, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is seeking “reconciliation” (musalaha) with Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist factions, including Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ).

Instead of talking about “reconciliation” with Hamas and other terrorist groups, Abbas should be demanding that they surrender their weapons, answer for their actions, and disappear from the Palestinian arena.

Instead, during a recent visit to Cairo, Abbas said in an interview with Egypt’s Akhbar Al-Yom newspaper that he wanted “reconciliation” with all Palestinian factions and that a “reconciliation conference would soon be held in the Egyptian capital under the umbrella of the PLO and with Egyptian sponsorship.”

“I want reconciliation with everyone and I do not exclude anyone. Every Palestinian has the right to participate” in the upcoming legislative elections, scheduled for November 28, 2026, he added.

Abbas then added a series of conditions: the Palestinian factions must agree with the policy of the PLO, recognize what he called “international legitimacy,” and accept “one state with one set of institutions and one weapon and without militias.” He said Palestinians had already “tried” militias and that he did not want people to “die for nothing.”

There are several problems. One is that Hamas and PIJ do not accept Abbas’s conditions. Another is that Abbas is not at all interested in requiring accountability. A third problem that should not be overlooked is: Who is requiring accountability from the Palestinian Authority (PA) itself? Abbas cannot present Fatah and the PA as the “responsible” alternative to Hamas.

Hamas is a terrorist organization. Abbas and the PA, however, have their own deeply troubling record, including authoritarian rule, suppression of dissent, and a longstanding system of payments and benefits for Palestinian terrorists and the families of those killed while carrying out attacks on Israelis, known as “pay-for-slay.”

US State Department and Congressional reports have confirmed that the PA continued making millions of dollars in payments to terrorists and their families during 2025 and 2026. In 2025 alone, the PA provided $156 million in payments and benefits to terrorists and their families: $126 million to convicted terrorists in Israeli prisons and those released from prison, and $30 million to the families of Palestinian terrorists who died while committing their acts of terrorism. Payments also went to families of 5,000 “martyrs” in Lebanon.

According to Palestinian Authority television, the prioritization of “pay-for-slay” above all other PA budget expenses has caused the PA healthcare system to be “on the verge of collapse.” Without “pay-for-slay” salaries, one released terrorist declared on PA television, it would be impossible to recruit terrorists.

Abbas announced the elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council to appease Western aid donors. He just wants more of their money. The elections will not improve the situation for Palestinians: the choice for them remains between two bad parties: Fatah and Hamas. The United States and the Europeans should demand that Abbas stop paying terrorists and their families. That is more important than holding elections.

Abbas’s proposed “reconciliation” should not be presented as a choice between a supposedly “moderate” Fatah and a supposedly extremist Hamas. That Hamas is simply worse in certain aspects does not make the Palestinian Authority’s conduct acceptable.

Hamas has never accepted the Oslo Accords signed between the PLO and Israel in 1993-1995, and the Palestinian Authority has not fulfilled its binding obligations under the Accords. Both the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas do not recognize Israel’s right to exist and have continued to reject the political framework established by the Oslo process. Both do not accept the PLO’s commitment to United Nations resolutions pertaining to the Israeli Arab conflict. Most importantly, Hamas and PIJ in Gaza have consistently refused to surrender their weapons and dissolve their armed wings.

If Abbas’s conditions are genuine, all the terrorist groups would first have to undergo a fundamental transformation, including the Palestinian Authority itself. This change would include recognizing Israel’s right to exist and dismantling the armed wings of Hamas and all the other Palestinian terrorist groups. Only then could they operate under Abbas’s stated principle of “one state with one set of institutions and one weapons and without militias.” Meanwhile, Abbas gets to retain his multi-million-dollar “pay-for-slay” program.

Hamas and PIJ are not just political factions with which Fatah happens to disagree. The United States and several other countries have officially designated both Hamas and PIJ as Foreign Terrorist Organizations.

There is another striking feature of Abbas’s interview. When asked about the October 7, 2023 massacre and its repercussions, Abbas chose to focus only on the destruction in the Gaza Strip, as if the invasion of Israel by Hamas had never taken place. “After October 7, the result was the complete destruction of the Gaza Strip,” he said, referring to the destruction of infrastructure, roads, and buildings. “What happened brought nothing but destruction and ruin.”

There is no mention of the murders, kidnapping and torture of thousands of Israeli and foreign nationals that caused the “destruction” he is lamenting.

If Abbas or any other Palestinian leader wants to convince Israelis and the international community that the Palestinian leadership represents a different political path from Hamas and PIJ, all they have to do is say plainly — and then actually do it. He must declare that attacking Israeli civilians deliberately and taking hostages will no longer be accepted, that Hamas and all the terrorist organizations must surrender their weapons, and that no Palestinian political future will be built on terrorists or terrorism.

Abbas also appears to have forgotten — or at least set aside — what happened between his Fatah faction and Hamas in 2007. Hamas members violently seized control of the Gaza Strip, forcibly took over the government from the Palestinian Authority. After days of deadly fighting and extrajudicial executions — including Hamas throwing Fatah members off tall buildings to their deaths — other Fatah members fled to Israel.

According to Human Rights Watch:

“For eight days, the fighting was intense, and both sides engaged in serious violations of international humanitarian law, such as torturing and summarily executing captured and incapacitated fighters, including those inside hospitals, unnecessarily endangering civilians by fighting from populated areas, and blocking medical access to the injured. Hamas security forces, including members of the Executive Force and the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, shot several captured Fatah security members multiple times in the legs – a practice that continued over the following months.”

Since then, Abbas has repeatedly stated that there could be no “reconciliation” talks with Hamas so long as the terrorist group continues to control the Gaza Strip. In June 2007, he also issued a presidential decree declaring the Executive Force and Hamas militias to be “outlawed” due to their armed coup against the Palestinian Authority.

The fundamental problems, however, have not disappeared. Hamas remains an Islamist terrorist group committed to the destruction of Israel through jihad (holy war), and while Abbas says that the Palestinians need one state, one government, one set of institutions, and one weapon, Hamas continues to retain its armed wing.

For years, furthermore, Abbas has faced sustained international pressure to reform his own Palestinian Authority and strengthen governance, transparency, and the rule of law.

Recently, Abbas “renewed his commitment to the national reform agenda, including improving governance and transparency, strengthening the justice and security sectors, modernizing public administration, and developing education curricula in line with UNESCO standards,” according to the PA’s official WAFA news agency.

“He further emphasized efforts to enhance social protection systems, combat corruption, and reinforce accountability and integrity, while working with international and regional partners to implement reforms within set timelines.”

Bringing a terrorist group such as Hamas into a political arrangement, however, hardly constitutes reform. For years, Fatah and Hamas have competed for power while Palestinians have paid the price of political division, repression, corruption and armed conflict. The political contest in the PA is not about who will bring democracy and a strong economy to the Palestinians. It is still a contest over power, money and control.

The Palestinians do not need another photograph of Fatah and Hamas officials shaking hands and hugging each other in Cairo. They need functioning institutions. They need accountability. They need freedom from political repression. They need a political system in which no faction can maintain private armies or militias.

Finally, Abbas’s proposal raises an even larger question: Why is Palestinian reconciliation always discussed primarily as reconciliation among Palestinian factions, while reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis remains so distant? A Palestinian political system that incorporates Iran’s terror proxies – Hamas and PIJ – means that Palestinian leaders still view these terrorist groups as legitimate actors.


Bassam Tawil is a Muslim Arab based in the Middle East. His work is made possible through the generous donation of a couple who wish to remain anonymous. Gatestone is most grateful.


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Iran Is Recruiting Child Soldiers as Young as 12


Iran Is Recruiting Child Soldiers as Young as 12

Maddie Ali


Kids hold up an Iranian flag and chant slogans during a protest against the Israeli airstrikes on Iran, in Sana a, Yemen, June 20, 2025. Photo: IMAGO/Hamza Ali via Reuters Connect

IRAN — Iranian state television has launched a campaign to prepare young people for a possible war, with programs under the banner of “Janfada” (those who sacrifice their lives) urging civilians to be ready for what authorities describe as the possibility of a US ground invasion.

The campaign includes a website through which people can register for military and wartime training. State television has repeatedly warned viewers that a ground invasion could become reality if the conflict with the US escalates, while presenting military readiness as a duty for young Iranians.

Promoted through Iran’s state-controlled media, the campaign has increasingly featured children and teenagers. The Iranian authorities are recruiting and mobilizing children as young as 12 as part of an effort led by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a military force charged with defending Iran’s authoritarian regime internally and expanding its Islamist revolutionary ideology externally.

Verified photographs and videos show children at checkpoints, patrols, and state-organized events alongside armed security personnel, sometimes carrying AK-pattern rifles themselves.

The campaign has continued to expand in recent weeks. Over the past month, Iranian authorities organized a large public mobilization event in Tehran under the “Janfada” banner. Thousands of men, women, and children participated in the Sept. 18 military-style exercise, while some teenagers were shown carrying weapons; armed teenagers have been observed at checkpoints and roadblocks in Tehran and other Iranian cities.

Authorities have presented the mobilization as preparation for possible future threats to the Islamic regime, with Iranian officials and state-linked media repeatedly warning of the possibility of renewed conflict with the US and Israel. The Janfada campaign has been promoted as a way to prepare civilians to respond to a potential emergency, including further military confrontation.

The campaign has now moved beyond online registration. IranWire reported on Sept. 24 that the first Janfada military training center opened at Imam Hossein Square in Tehran. According to the report, the center run by the Basij, a paramilitary organization operating under the IRGC, is intended to train volunteers and organize them into units and battalions. The reported program includes general wartime preparedness, local security, surveillance, reconnaissance, search and rescue, and firearms-related training.

Iranian authorities have claimed that tens of millions of people have registered for the Janfada campaign. However, those figures are not verified. Activists examining the registration website found fewer than 4 million user registrations, while Iranian officials have claimed that more than 30 million people signed up. IranWire has reported doubts about the official figures.

The involvement of children has drawn particular concern from international human rights organizations. Amnesty International said the recruitment and use of children under 15 in armed conflict can constitute a war crime under international law.

Earlier this year, the regime lowered the minimum age for participation in war-related activities to just 12 years old, recruiting participants to assist with patrols, checkpoints, logistics, and other security roles.

The current mobilization escalates that effort and comes against the backdrop of Iran’s long history of using young people in military campaigns.

During the Iran-Iraq War from 1980 to 1988, the Iranian government mobilized many children through the Basij and other state structures. Children and teenagers were sent to the front, including, in some cases, for dangerous operations such as clearing minefields. Hundreds of thousands of children were recruited during the conflict, and tens of thousands were killed.

The use of young people during the Iran-Iraq War became deeply embedded in Iran’s wartime culture. State propaganda portrayed young volunteers as symbols of sacrifice and patriotism, with images and stories of teenage Basij members becoming part of the official narrative of the war.

For years, Iran has drafted children under 18 into the Basij militia, with Human Rights Watch documenting boys as young as 14 years old killed in combat, revealing a brutal pattern of exploiting children on the battlefield.

In the past, widely circulated social media images and videos have repeatedly shown children and teenagers in military-style uniforms cracking down on protests, including during the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, which erupted nationwide after Mahsa Amini, a young Kurdish woman, died in a Tehran police station following her arrest for allegedly violating hijab rules.

Under international law, Iran’s latest initiative flagrantly violates the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which explicitly prohibits the use of children in military activities.

Human rights groups have also repeatedly accused Iranian security forces of killing child protesters during past crackdowns.

According to the Center for Human Rights in Iran, hundreds of children were killed during the nationwide anti‑government protests earlier this year, which security forces violently crushed, leaving tens of thousands of demonstrators tortured or killed.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also documented cases of children being shot, detained, and abused during these latest demonstrations, noting that government forces have repeatedly targeted minors in ways that breach international law.

The regime’s current recruitment campaign is taking place against the backdrop of another deadly incident involving children: the US bombing of a school in the city of Minab during the first day of the US-Israel strikes on Iran earlier this year.

Satellite imagery and analysis showed the school’s proximity to an IRGC compound. The location of the Minab school has raised questions about the risks faced by civilians when military installations are located close to schools and other populated, civilian areas.

The renewed mobilization is making children and teenagers increasingly visible in state-organized wartime activities, presenting military preparedness, sacrifice, and responsibilities that extend beyond adult soldiers.


Maddie Ali, a former schoolteacher, is now a freelance contributor to The Algemeiner based in Iran. In addition to her academic work, she has been involved in civic activity in her hometown, including participating in and helping organize local protests alongside friends and family. Her name has been changed to protect her identity.


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