Archive | 2026/07/03

Ciężar dowodu spoczywa na Żydzie – Standardy dowodowe są zawsze inne

Broń Hamasu znaleziona w szpitalu Al Shifa w Gazie.


Ciężar dowodu spoczywa na Żydzie – Standardy dowodowe są zawsze inne

Elder of Ziyon


W maju 2026 roku brytyjski rabin Yoni Birnbaum zarezerwował letni dom wakacyjny we wschodniej Francji dla swojej rodziny. Cała procedura przebiegała rutynowo: wymieniono e-maile, rezerwacja została przyjęta, wpłacono pięćdziesięcioprocentowy zadatek. Miesiąc później właściciele ponownie się odezwali. Zainteresowała ich tożsamość gościa, ponieważ w jego adresie e-mail znajdowało się słowo „rabbi” („rabin”), i zażądali od Birnbauma wyjaśnienia jego poglądów politycznych. Czy należał do ruchu potępiającego działania Izraela w Strefie Gazy, na Zachodnim Brzegu i w Libanie? Czy nie aprobował „nieludzkiego i zbrodniczego” postępowania izraelskiej armii? Jeśli nie, z przykrością odwołają rezerwację i zwrócą zadatek, ponieważ ugoszczenie go byłoby zbyt sprzeczne z ich zasadami.

Gdyby jego adres e-mail nie zawierał słowa „rabbi”, kwestia Gazy nigdy by się nie pojawiła. Rezerwacja została zaakceptowana, a pieniądze przyjęto od klienta, którego uznano za zwyczajną brytyjską rodzinę. Dopiero gdy odkryto, że jest Żydem, wprowadzono warunek, którego nie stawiano żadnemu innemu gościowi: przejdź test ideologicznej „czystości” albo stracisz rezerwację.

Dwa stulecia wcześniej rewolucja francuska przyznała Żydom obywatelstwo – Żydom sefardyjskim w styczniu 1790 roku, a aszkenazyjskim we wrześniu 1791 roku. Było to pełne, równe i prawnie zagwarantowane obywatelstwo, takie samo jak każdego innego Francuza. Przynajmniej do czasu.

W 1806 roku Napoleon zwołał Zgromadzenie Żydowskich Notabli, liczące 111 rabinów i świeckich przywódców, i zadał im dwanaście pytań. Czy Żydzi urodzeni we Francji uważają Francję za swoją ojczyznę? Czy są zobowiązani jej bronić i przestrzegać jej prawa cywilnego? Czy prawo żydowskie pozwala im traktować Francuzów jak braci? Nie zadowoliło go pozostawienie im czasu na naradę i przedstawienie odpowiedzi. Z góry wskazał, jakich odpowiedzi oczekuje, a następnie zwołał Wielki Sanhedryn, aby nadać tym odpowiedziom moc wiążących postanowień.

Kościół katolicki uregulował swoje relacje z państwem francuskim poprzez konkordat, protestanci – w drodze negocjacji. Nie zwoływano zgromadzenia księży, by składali przysięgę, że katolicy uważają Francję za swoją ojczyznę, zanim uznano ich za godnych obywatelstwa. Tego rodzaju wymóg zarezerwowano wyłącznie dla Żydów – siedemnaście lat po tym, jak formalnie stali się pełnoprawnymi obywatelami. Jak ujął to historyk Simon Schwarzfuchs, rozwiązanie to było równoznaczne z ogłoszeniem, że Żydzi pozostaną na okresie próbnym, dopóki nie udowodnią, że zasługują na obywatelstwo, które już posiadali.

Podobnie jak w przypadku tego francuskiego właściciela domu: prawo zostało najpierw przyznane. Warunek dodano później, ponieważ mieli do czynienia z Żydami.

Ten schemat jest jednak znacznie szerszy.

W listopadzie 2023 roku Siły Obronne Izraela (IDF) pokazały dziennikarzom broń, którą – jak twierdziły – odnaleziono w szpitalu Al-Szifa w Strefie Gazy. CNN poinformowała, że na późniejszych nagraniach widać więcej uzbrojenia niż na pierwszym filmie udostępnionym przez IDF, „co wskazuje, że broń mogła zostać przeniesiona lub umieszczona tam przed przybyciem ekip medialnych”. Wyraźna sugestia była taka, że dowody mogły zostać sfabrykowane.

Ta sama stacja relacjonuje jednak przejęcia broni w innych okolicznościach w zupełnie inny sposób. Gdy włoska policja skonfiskowała arsenał należący do skrajnie prawicowej komórki, CNN opublikowała zdjęcia zabezpieczonej broni. Tak samo postąpiła, gdy policja prezentowała broń przejętą po ucieczce z więzienia czy arsenał znaleziony w Virginia Beach. W każdym z tych przypadków funkcjonariusze oczywiście ułożyli broń do zdjęć – rozłożyli ją na stołach i odpowiednio zaaranżowali. Nikt jednak nie pisał, że taki sposób prezentacji „wskazuje, iż broń mogła zostać tam umieszczona”. Wszyscy rozumieją, że przygotowanie ekspozycji prawdziwie zabezpieczonej broni na potrzeby mediów nie jest tym samym co sfabrykowanie samego przejęcia. Wszyscy to rozumieją – dopóki stroną dokonującą przejęcia nie jest państwo żydowskie.

Ta asymetria działa zresztą w obu kierunkach jednocześnie. Twierdzenia IDF spotykają się z domyślnym założeniem, że zostały upozorowane. Natomiast dane o liczbie ofiar publikowane przez ministerstwo kontrolowane przez Hamas oraz relacje świadków żyjących pod rządami Hamasu są przedstawiane bez porównywalnego poziomu weryfikacji – często bez jakiejkolwiek weryfikacji. Jedna strona jest z góry traktowana z podejrzliwością. Drugiej z góry się wierzy. O tym, która z nich podlega któremu standardowi, nie decydują dowody. Decyduje tożsamość.

Istnieje określenie na odwrócenie zasady prawnej, z którym mamy tu do czynienia. Jest to zasada, którą odruchowo przyznajemy mordercom, złodziejom i terrorystom. Nie rozciągamy jej jednak na Żydów…


Link do oryginału:

Elder’s Substack
The Burden of Proof Is on the Jew
In May 2026, a British rabbi named Yoni Birnbaum booked a summer rental in eastern France for his family. The correspondence was routine: emails exchanged, booking accepted, fifty percent deposit paid. Then, a month later, the owners wrote again. They had grown curious about a guest whose email address contained the word “rabbi,” and they needed Birnbaum to…
Read more

Zawartość publikowanych artykułów i materiałów nie reprezentuje poglądów ani opinii Reunion’68,
ani też webmastera Blogu Reunion’68, chyba ze jest to wyraźnie zaznaczone.
Twoje uwagi, linki, własne artykuły lub wiadomości prześlij na adres:
webmaster@reunion68.com


From the Editor: Don’t Forget the Iranian People


From the Editor: Don’t Forget the Iranian People

Aaron Kliegman


People attend the funeral of the security forces who were killed in the protests that erupted over the collapse of the currency’s value in Tehran, Iran, Jan. 14, 2026. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

There are betrayals, and there are betrayals. When it comes to the long-oppressed Iranian people, Donald Trump is guilty of the latter, an act of abandonment so egregious that it’s not only morally shameful but also strategically damaging. Indeed, a broken US presidential promise would have been hard to stomach; the added loss of global credibility and strategic leverage is another story — one that could taint Trump’s legacy.

The US-Iran memorandum of understanding (MOU) has been scrutinized from all angles over the past week, but there has been little mention of the Iranian people, who in many ways are the most important factor to this whole conflict. Nearly every journalist and analyst who commented on the war since Feb. 28, when the US and Israel began striking Iran, has acknowledged that the mobilization — or lack thereof — of ordinary Iranians would ultimately determine the country’s future, regardless of how effective the military campaign turned out to be.

But the MOU states in the second paragraph the following: “The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran undertake to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs.”

No call for ending political executions. No demand to stop systemic sexual violence against prisoners. No insistence that the regime must stop preventing families from retrieving the bodies of slain protesters. Instead, the US-backed document says no support for the Iranian people and, depending on one’s interpretation, not even any criticism of the regime’s human rights abuses.

On an unrelated note, the Iranian government has, under cover of the ceasefire, continued to ramp up its executions of people arrested on political charges, such as spreading propaganda and espionage. The regime’s message is clear: We are in charge and will not tolerate dissent.

Here it’s worth recalling how this conflict began. Demonstrations erupted in Iran on Dec. 28 over economic hardships. These quickly escalated into large-scale, nationwide protests calling for the downfall of the country’s theocratic, authoritarian system.

The Islamist regime responded with a vicious crackdown, arresting and murdering tens of thousands of demonstrators in the dark after imposing an internet blackout. The onslaught was one of the deadliest, most ferocious incidents of government violence in modern history, with much of the carnage taking place over just two days.

But this regime doesn’t just slaughter protesters. It’s security forces brutally rape and torture nurses who try and treat the wounded and then force their families to pay money to have their loved ones released — either dead or alive.

The point of such excessive cruelty is humiliation and intimidation, to break the will of a restless population so full of potential and ready for a better life if not for the regime’s incompetent governance and ruthless will to stay in power.

Amid the darkness of January, however, there was a bit of hope.

Before the mass slaughter of Jan. 8-9, Trump promised to come to the Iranian people’s “rescue” and “hit” the regime “very hard” if there was a violent crackdown. In the days that followed, he promised that “help is on the way” for the Iranian protesters being slaughtered by their own government, calling on the demonstrators to “keep protesting” and “take over your institutions.” Trump repeatedly issued such statements in interviews and social media posts.

For weeks nothing happened, but this was the context in which Trump built up US forces near Iran. While it was clear that the US and Israel were discussing war plans and addressing the Iranian threat more broadly, it’s not at all clear that Trump would have deployed military assets as he did without the impetus of the protests, which led him to begin issuing public threats to Tehran.

Then he struck. Of course, Trump chose to attack not as a humanitarian but for a variety of strategic reasons, such as preventing a regime hellbent on fulfilling its slogan of “death to America, death to Israel” from building up its nuclear and ballistic-missile programs to a point of virtual invulnerability.

However, Trump made clear in his remarks announcing Operation Epic Fury that he had the Iranian people very much in mind.

“To the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” he said. “Stay sheltered. Don’t leave your home. It’s very dangerous outside. Bombs will be dropping everywhere. When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”

Trump continued, “For many years, you have asked for America’s help, but you never got it. No president was willing to do what I am willing to do tonight. Now you have a president who is giving you what you want, so let’s see how you respond. America is backing you with overwhelming strength and devastating force. Now is the time to seize control of your destiny, and to unleash the prosperous and glorious future that is close within your reach. This is the moment for action. Do not let it pass.”

You know what happened next: decimation, Hormuz, ceasefire, MOU. And here we are.

Under the MOU, the regime will get billions of dollars it otherwise wouldn’t have received. Iran’s economy will remain in shambles, but the government will be able to avert a total economic collapse. Security forces may not get paid in full, but they will get more than before the deal was signed. Same for Iran’s terrorist proxies. And some of the funds will surely go toward rebuilding the nuclear and missile programs — slowly, quietly, in ways that won’t immediately raise alarm bells in Washington. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which controls huge swathes of the Iranian economy, will benefit.

Ordinary impoverished Iranians will get nothing. And those foot soldiers in the security apparatus will notice, recognizing the best-case alternative to oppressing their countrymen is destitution. The incentives for them to defect have been reversed, at least for now.

The regime cares about staying in power above all else and therefore fears its own people far more than US or Israeli bombs. As The Algemeiner has reported, Iranians overwhelmingly hate their regime but have increasingly lost hope in change.

The Mossad is no doubt working on new plans to foster revolution inside Iran, and hopefully the CIA is too. But despite all of Trump’s threats throughout this year, the Iranian people are now on their own to face the regime. After January’s massacre, they likely won’t come out into the streets without more organization — organization that the regime is making nearly impossible with its ability to shut off the internet and patrol the streets at night warning people not to protest.

Trump had a rare opportunity to help free a great and ancient civilization, cementing his place as a world historical figure regardless of his politics. It wouldn’t just be destroying a tyrannical death cult but allowing an especially capable people in a large, strategically located country to flourish and unleash their potential. The Middle East would be transformed, and the world would benefit. To use an economic term, the world’s opportunity cost of the Iranian people being stymied by the Islamic Republic is incalculable.

Trump still has time. This MOU may prove to be nothing more than a long pause to get past the US midterm elections, allowing Trump then to ramp up the pressure once again.

Maybe. I’m certainly hoping. More likely, however, is what my eyes and ears are telling me: The Trump administration caved, lacking the will to out-escalate Iran.

Either way, Trump has lost enough credibility over his repeated, unfulfilled promises to the Iranian people and threats to bomb Iran’s infrastructure that too few people believe what he says now.

Like Trump, the US officials currently leading the negotiations — JD Vance, Jared Kushner, and Steve Witkoff — don’t recognize the importance of ideology and seem to think they can find the key to unlock Tehran’s recalcitrance, if only they can figure out Iran’s “interests.”

But this is a regime that rapes and tortures nurses to the point of needing their intestines or uterus removed just for trying to help fellow Iranians who were shot while protesting. And many, though not all, of the leaders of this regime who oversee such horror do so with the confidence that the god of Islam is on their side.

The US administration has left the Iranian people at the mercy of this evil. Even if they and much of the media forget what is happening inside Iran, we certainly won’t.


Aaron Kliegman is the executive editor of The Algemeiner.


Zawartość publikowanych artykułów i materiałów nie reprezentuje poglądów ani opinii Reunion’68,
ani też webmastera Blogu Reunion’68, chyba ze jest to wyraźnie zaznaczone.
Twoje uwagi, linki, własne artykuły lub wiadomości prześlij na adres:
webmaster@reunion68.com


On His Way Out, UNRWA Chief Faces Calls for Criminal Probe Into Hamas Infiltration


On His Way Out, UNRWA Chief Faces Calls for Criminal Probe Into Hamas Infiltration

Corey Walker


United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres speaks during a news conference with Austrian Chancellor Karl Nehammer (not seen) and Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg (not seen) in Vienna, Austria May 11, 2022. REUTERS/Lisa Leutner

UN Watch, a prominent watchdog organization critical of the United Nations, has called on Secretary-General António Guterres to waive the legal immunity of outgoing UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini, arguing that the longtime UN official should face criminal investigation over allegations that he enabled an agency increasingly infiltrated by Hamas.

The request, submitted Tuesday by UN Watch, comes as Lazzarini concludes his tenure leading the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), a controversial humanitarian organization that has faced mounting scrutiny since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israel.

In a formal legal letter invoking Section 20 of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, UN Watch argues that immunity exists to protect the interests of the UN rather than individual officials and should be waived when it could obstruct justice.

“For years, we repeatedly warned Mr. Lazzarini that Hamas had deeply infiltrated UNRWA,” UN Watch Executive Director Hillel Neuer said in a statement. The organization said it provided UN officials with documentation alleging that numerous UNRWA employees — including teachers, school administrators and labor union leaders — maintained ties to Hamas, which the US, EU and other Western governments designate as a terrorist organization.

UN Watch alleges that despite those warnings, Lazzarini continued to oversee an agency whose personnel and facilities were exploited by Hamas and other militant groups operating in Gaza. The organization contends that these actions warrant investigation for possible complicity in terrorism, war crimes and crimes against humanity, while emphasizing that any determination of criminal liability would ultimately be made by competent judicial authorities.

“We provided detailed evidence identifying Hamas-affiliated teachers, school principals, union leaders, and other employees,” Neuer said. “We documented repeated meetings between senior UNRWA officials — including Mr. Lazzarini himself — and leaders of Hamas and other terrorist organizations. Yet he continued to assure governments that UNRWA’s neutrality mechanisms were effective while overseeing an agency whose personnel, facilities, and resources were being exploited by terrorist groups.”

The allegations add to a broader debate over UNRWA’s role in Gaza. Since the Oct. 7 attacks, Israeli officials have repeatedly argued that Hamas embedded itself within the agency’s infrastructure, accusing some employees of participating directly in the assault and others of maintaining longstanding affiliations with the militant group. Israel has also said Hamas used facilities associated with UNRWA for military purposes, allegations that have intensified calls within Israel and among some Western lawmakers for major reforms or the agency’s replacement.

UNRWA has consistently rejected accusations that it knowingly cooperated with Hamas, saying it acts swiftly when credible evidence of staff misconduct emerges and that it operates under exceptionally difficult conditions inside Gaza. The agency has argued that the overwhelming majority of its more than 30,000 employees carry out humanitarian work providing food, education and medical care to Palestinian civilians.

The dispute comes amid continuing international scrutiny of UNRWA. Multiple donor countries, including the US, temporarily suspended funding in 2024 after allegations surfaced that a number of employees participated in the Oct. 7 attack, though many later resumed contributions following reviews and additional oversight measures. Debate has nevertheless continued over whether Hamas exercised deeper influence over the agency than previously acknowledged.

Last month, the inspector general’s office for the US Agency for International Development (USAID) revealed that it found evidence showing 101 current and former UNRWA employees also operated as Hamas terrorists, including within the group’s military apparatus. 

“Among the individuals referred were UNRWA school principals, teachers, security personnel, attendants, psychosocial counselors, and medical professionals,” the USAID inspector general’s office noted.

UN Watch argues that waiving Lazzarini’s immunity would demonstrate that senior UN officials are not beyond legal accountability.

“The credibility of the United Nations depends on demonstrating that immunity is not a shield for impunity,” Neuer said.

The United Nations has not publicly indicated whether Guterres intends to consider the request. Under the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, the secretary-general has the authority to waive immunity when he determines doing so would not prejudice the interests of the organization and when immunity would otherwise impede the course of justice.


Zawartość publikowanych artykułów i materiałów nie reprezentuje poglądów ani opinii Reunion’68,
ani też webmastera Blogu Reunion’68, chyba ze jest to wyraźnie zaznaczone.
Twoje uwagi, linki, własne artykuły lub wiadomości prześlij na adres:
webmaster@reunion68.com