Archive | January 2026

Coalition partners back Netanyahu on opposition to Gaza Executive Board members


Coalition partners back Netanyahu on opposition to Gaza Executive Board members

JNS Staff


“The countries that resuscitated Hamas cannot be the ones that replace it,” said Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

Itamar Ben-Gvir, head of the Otzma Yehudit political party, and Bezalel Smotrich, chairman of the Religious Zionism party, at an election campaign event in Sderot, on Oct. 26, 2022. Photo by Flash90.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition partners on Saturday rallied behind the premier after he voiced opposition to the composition of President Donald Trump’s Gaza Executive Board.

“The countries that resuscitated Hamas cannot be the ones that replace it. Those that support it and continue to host it even now will not be given a foothold in Gaza. Period,” tweeted Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, referring to the inclusion of Qatar and Turkey.

“Our brave fighters did not risk their lives in a tremendous national mobilization just to swap one problem for another,” Smotrich wrote. “The prime minister must insist on this, even if it requires managing a dispute with our great friend and with President Trump’s envoys.”

The Gaza Executive Board, led by the United States and composed of officials from countries such as Turkey, Qatar and Egypt, “runs contrary to [Israel’s] policy,” Netanyahu’s office said on Saturday evening.

The announcement of its establishment “was not coordinated with Israel and runs contrary to its policy,” Jerusalem’s statement continued.

It added that Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar was instructed to discuss the matter with his American counterpart, Marco Rubio, who was named on Friday as a founding member of the Executive Board.

According to Smotrich’s post, “the original sin” was Jerusalem’s decision against establishing “a military administration, encouraging emigration and settlement and in this way ensuring Israel’s security for many years.”

That refusal, Smotrich continued, “gave rise to strange, convoluted arrangements to manage civilian life in Gaza that are not Hamas or the Palestinian Authority.” However, he added: “Even under that assumption, there must be red lines.”

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir tweeted that he “supports the prime minister regarding his important statement.”

“Gaza doesn’t need any ‘executive board’ to oversee its ‘reconstruction,’” he wrote. “It must be cleared of Hamas terrorists, who must be destroyed, alongside encouraging large-scale voluntary emigration in line with President Trump’s original plan.”

Trump said in February that the United States should “take over” Gaza and relocate its two million residents before clearing it and rebuilding.

Ben-Gvir on Saturday called on Netanyahu to instruct the Israel Defense Forces to “prepare to return to the war in the Strip with overwhelming force, in order to achieve the war’s central goal: Hamas’s destruction.”

Amichai Chikli, Israel’s diaspora affairs and combating antisemitism minister and a member of Netanyahu’s ruling Likud Party, said Jerusalem “cannot and will not accept” Turkish influence on its southern border, tweeting: “Erdoğan’s Turkey is Hamas.”

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has turned his country “into a regional aggressor responsible for unprecedented massacres and brutal repression, from the Kurds in Afrin, Aleppo, and Deir Hafir, to Alawites and Druze,” wrote Chikli.

The Gaza Executive Board includes members such as U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, as well as Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Qatari diplomat Ali Al-Thawadi and Egyptian General Intelligence Service Director Maj. Gen. Hassan Rashad.

Fidan in July 2024 expressed “deep sorrow” after top Hamas terrorist Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran.

“I learned with deep sorrow that my dear brother Ismail Haniyeh was martyred in Iran,” Fidan wrote in a July 31, 2024, post on X. Fidan said Haniyeh “never lost his faith in peace,” and offered condolences.

Calling Haniyeh a “symbol” of Palestinian “resistance,” Fidan said his “noble memory will live on in the just cause of the Palestinian people.”

The Gaza Executive Board will assist the high representative for Gaza, former U.N. diplomat Nickolay Mladenov, as well as the new National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, another committee under the Board of Peace that comprises 15 Palestinians and is led by former Palestinian Authority Deputy Transportation Minister Ali Sha’ath.


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Anti-Israel Michigan Senate Candidate Promoted Group Behind Holocaust Memorial Protests


Anti-Israel Michigan Senate Candidate Promoted Group Behind Holocaust Memorial Protests

Corey Walker


Former Wayne County Health Director Abdul El-Sayed, a Democrat now running for US Senate in Michigan, speaks at a “Hands Off” protest at the state Capitol in Lansing, Michigan, on April 5, 2025. Photo: Andrew Roth/Sipa USA via Reuters Connect

Abdul El-Sayed, a Democratic candidate for US Senate in Michigan, is facing scrutiny over his past fundraising and public support for a political advocacy group whose affiliates organized anti-Israel protests at Holocaust memorial sites in Washington, DC, and the Detroit metro area.

El-Sayed previously recorded a fundraising video and appeared at multiple events in support of Justice, Education, Technology PAC (JET-PAC), an organization focused on expanding the political influence of Muslim Americans in US politics. In the video, posted online in 2018, El-Sayed urged viewers to donate to the group, praising its efforts to train Muslim Americans in civic engagement and advocacy.

JET-PAC later drew widespread condemnation after its medical advocacy arm, Doctors Against Genocide, helped organize protests outside the US Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington and the Zekelman Holocaust Center in Farmington Hills, Michigan. The demonstrations condemned Israel’s military campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Gaza and described the war as a “genocide,” language that Jewish leaders and Holocaust educators denounced as false, antisemitic, and deeply offensive.

Doctors Against Genocide (DAG) called on activists to obtain free tickets to the Holocaust Museum in Washington with the intention of protesting inside the facility before moving the demonstration to the White House. The planned protest sparked backlash from Jewish organizations and community leaders, who argued that targeting Holocaust memorial sites crossed a moral line.

The group ultimately canceled the demonstration.

“The goal of our event was to visit the Holocaust Museum to express our empathy for the horrors of that genocide. Additionally, we wanted to bring awareness to the ongoing genocide in Gaza,” the group said in a statement.

“Our initial communication did not sufficiently convey this, leading to misinterpretations and unfounded accusations,” it continued. “As DAG we stand against all hate of vulnerable people, whether that hate comes in the form of antisemitism, anti-Palestinianism, anti-Black hate, anti-White hate, or any other prejudice. Never again for all.”

In a later statement, the group apologized for a “lack of clarity” but continued to imply that the Holocaust is comparable to Israel’s military operations against Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist group that launched the war with its Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.

Comparing Israel to Nazi Germany is antisemitic, according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which has been adopted by dozens of governments and hundreds of civic institutions around the world.

Despite the backlash, DAG, which is a program of JET-PAC, later orchestrated a protest outside the Zekelman Holocaust Center in July 2024, once again sparking outrage from local Jewish community leaders. 

Organizers of the protest explained that they targeted the museum over its purported positive portrayal of Israel and alleged unwillingness to elevate the historical displacement of Palestinian Arabs.

“The museum is not objective. They present the history that the right-wing will allow them to put on. The question we have for them is: How are you now going to portray the Nakba,” said Rene Lichtman, a Holocaust survivor and organizer of the demonstration.

“Nakba,” the Arabic term for “catastrophe,” is used by Palestinians and anti-Israel activists to refer to the establishment of the modern state of Israel in 1948.

“You end the story, and I know because I’ve been speaking here forever, with the happy ending of the Jews, the [Nazi concentration] camp survivors coming to Israel,” Lichtman continued. “But that is no longer the ending. We know that from the last eight months. What about the Palestinian people?”

Mark Jacobs, a lawyer, community activist, and co-director of the Coalition for Black and Jewish Unity, said protests at Holocaust centers amount to an attack on Jewish historical memory.

“I find it pretty grotesque that the protesters would select the Holocaust Center, a solemn and sacred place, to essentially call for the eradication of Israel, which was created as a safe harbor for the Jewish people after the world’s worst genocide,” Jacobs told Deadline Detroit in July, referring to the Zekelman protest. “But of course we have seen a steady stream of antisemitic protests, vandalism, and violence at various Jewish sites throughout the US and the world since the barbarism of Oct. 7.”

At the protest outside the Zekelman Holocaust Center, speakers accused Israel of war crimes and criticized what they described as the influence of “Israel’s lobbyists.” Dr. Nadal Jboor, a featured speaker and member of Doctors Against Genocide, said Israel’s military actions should be stopped through international pressure, calling a ceasefire a “medical intervention.”

JET-PAC, founded by former Cambridge, Massachusetts city councilor Nadeem Mazen, has described its mission as empowering Muslim Americans politically. El-Sayed appeared at JET-PAC galas and panels alongside the group’s leadership and promoted the organization on social media over multiple years, calling it “amazing.”

In the 2018 fundraising video, El-Sayed said JET-PAC was “incredibly important for engagement, political engagement for the Muslim community,” adding that the group helped people “fight for and advocate for a more just, more equitable, more sustainable society.”

El-Sayed’s support for the organization raises questions about his policies toward the Jewish community and combating extremism in the wake of the Holocaust memorial protests, which occurred amid a historic rise in antisemitic hate crimes across the US following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel.

El-Sayed’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

The controversy has unfolded as El-Sayed and another Michigan Senate candidate, state Sen. Mallory McMorrow, have both publicly accused Israel of committing genocide, positions that have alienated some Jewish voters in the battleground state. 

Just days before the anniversary of the Oct. 7 atrocities, McMorrow called Israel’s response in Gaza a “moral abomination,” saying it was “just as horrendous” as the attack carried out by Hamas-led Palestinian terrorists, who perpetrated the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

However, McMorrow has since softened her stance on the Israel-Hamas war, recently lamenting in an interview that the term “genocide” has become a “purity test” for many progressive Democrats. 

Detroit-based community activist and philanthropist Lisa Mark Lis said McMorrow’s comments echoed antisemitic tropes and amounted to political pandering.

Lis wrote in a Facebook post that McMorrow’s comment “feeds into the Jew-hatred tropes and is a lie.”

El-Sayed has not publicly addressed the Holocaust museum protests directly, but his past fundraising and advocacy for JET-PAC have drawn new attention as Jewish leaders warn that invoking genocide rhetoric at Holocaust memorials represents a dangerous normalization of antisemitism.

Jewish organizations have repeatedly stressed that criticism of Israeli policy does not justify protests at institutions dedicated to memorializing the murder of six million Jews, arguing that such actions exploit Holocaust memory and inflame anti-Jewish hostility.

The progressive champion was a prominent supporter of the “Uncommitted movement,” a coalition of Democratic officials which refused to support the 2024 Kamala Harris presidential campaign over what they characterized as her support for Israel. However, El-Sayed later clarified that he would support Harris over Donald Trump in the general election.  

El-Sayed has been especially critical of Israel’s war in Gaza. On Oct. 21, 2023, two weeks after the Hamas-led slaughter of 1,200 people and kidnapping of 251 hostages in southern Israel, the progressive politician accused Israel of “genocide.” The comment came before the Israeli military launched its ground campaign in Gaza.

He also compared Israel’s defensive military operations to the Hamas terrorist group’s conduct on Oct. 7, writing, “You can both condemn Hamas terrorism AND Israel’s murder since.”

In comments to Politico, El-Sayed criticized Democrats’ handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, arguing that they should become the “party of peace and justice” and said that they “ought not to be the party sending bombs and money to foreign militaries to drop bombs on other people’s kids in their schools and their hospitals.” He called on Democrats to stop supporting military aid for Israel, saying, “We should be spending that money here at home.”

Recent polling has shown El-Sayed trailing both McMorrow and Democratic primary frontrunner US Rep. Haley Stevens among voters.


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Kobane znów staje się ofiarą naszych grzechów

Photo via AFP


Kobane znów staje się ofiarą naszych grzechów

Nervana Mahmoud


Miasto Kobane, zamieszkane głównie przez Kurdów, trafiło na pierwsze strony międzynarodowych mediów w 2014 roku, gdy bojownicy ISIS — świeżo po błyskawicznej kampanii w Iraku i Syrii — przez miesiące oblegali miasto. Oblężenie to skłoniło koalicję pod przewodnictwem Stanów Zjednoczonych do rozpoczęcia nalotów na pozycje ISIS oraz do udzielenia wsparcia naziemnego i logistycznego Syryjskim Siłom Demokratycznym (SDF).

W tamtym czasie napisałam artykuł o Kobane zatytułowany „Ofiara naszych grzechów”.

Nie wyobrażałam sobie, że dwanaście lat później miasto stanie w obliczu podobnego scenariusza — z jednym, tak ważnym wyjątkiem.

Tym razem Kurdowie są sami.

Stany Zjednoczone postanowiły ich porzucić na rzecz postasadowskiego, islamistycznego rządu w Damaszku, pod hasłem „zjednoczenia Syrii”.

Amerykański wysłannik do spraw Syrii, Tom Barrack, napisał na platformie X, że sytuacja „fundamentalnie się zmieniła”, twierdząc, iż Damaszek „jest teraz gotów i jest w stanie przejąć odpowiedzialność za bezpieczeństwo, w tym kontrolę nad ośrodkami detencyjnymi ISIS i obozami”.

To twierdzenie rozpada się w zderzeniu z rzeczywistością.

Siły rządowe Syrii nie tylko walczą z kurdyjskimi bojownikami — one ich zabijają. Co gorsza, pojawiły się nagrania wideo, na których widać, jak syryjscy żołnierze wypuszczają członków ISIS i innych zatwardziałych dżihadystów z więzień kontrolowanych wcześniej przez Kurdów, po przejęciu tych placówek. To nie jest stabilizacja. To recykling terroru.

Podczas gdy kurdyjskie siły desperacko próbują odeprzeć ataki prorządowych milicji z południa Kobane, pytanie nie brzmi już „czy” miasto upadnie — lecz „kiedy”. Szanse są brutalnie nierówne. Ich wrogowie są bezwzględni, rozzuchwaleni i wspierani przez regionalne potęgi, takie jak Turcja i Katar. Ich dawny sojusznik — Stany Zjednoczone — zniknął, gdy byli najbardziej potrzebni.

Nie sposób nie zastanawiać się, czy prezydent Trump w ogóle rozumie, co dzieje się w Syrii. Złożoność pola walki, charakter zaangażowanych aktorów i konsekwencje wzmacniania islamistycznych sił — wszystko to zdaje się ginąć w natłoku intensywnego lobbingu ze strony Turcji, Kataru i Arabii Saudyjskiej w Waszyngtonie. Wizerunek „zreformowanego” syryjskiego rządu centralnego został starannie wykreowany i chętnie zaakceptowany.

Ale ci, którzy uważnie śledzili sytuację w Syrii, znają prawdę: nic fundamentalnego się nie zmieniło.

Dwanaście lat temu Kobane krwawiło, podczas gdy świat debatował.

Dziś krwawi ponownie — tym razem porzucone, odizolowane i zdradzone.

Kobane wciąż jest ofiarą naszych grzechów, a historia zapamięta, kto się odwrócił.

Każde słowo, które napisałam w 2014 roku, pozostaje aktualne

„Miasto Kobane upada na naszych oczach. Czarne flagi tak zwanego Państwa Islamskiego Iraku i Syrii (ISIS) powoli rozciągają się nad budynkami tego nieszczęsnego kurdyjskiego miasta w północnej Syrii. Prędzej czy później opór kurdyjskich bojowników, którzy obecnie heroicznie próbują bronić Kobane, załamie się pod naporem średniowiecznego barbarzyństwa ISIS, dodatkowo wzmocnionego nowoczesną bronią. Tragedia Kobane może wydawać się nieistotna w szerszym kontekście burzliwego Bliskiego Wschodu, jednak jasno ukazuje błędne myślenie wielu w świecie arabskim, a co niepokojące — również w Turcji.

Wybiórcze oburzenie

Porównajmy przytłumioną reakcję na dekapitacje kurdyjskich bojowniczek czy gwałty i przymusowe małżeństwa jazydzkich kobiet z bojownikami ISIS do głośnych, gniewnych reakcji, jakie wywołały ostatnia izraelskie działania w Gazie. Zdumiewająca cisza jest tym bardziej problematyczna, że zarówno muzułmańskie reżimy, jak i opinia publiczna zgodnie twierdzą, iż ISIS nie reprezentuje islamu, a jego chore działania są sprzeczne z religią. Wyobraźmy sobie, że to Izrael ściąłby głowy trzem palestyńskim zamachowczyniom. Reakcje prawdopodobnie przerosłyby wszelkie oczekiwania: od protestów na ulicach miast Zachodu po akty przemocy wobec izraelskich celów na całym świecie. Zrozumiałe? Tak — niewinna śmierć ludzi i oblężenie Gazy są godne potępienia. Ale dlaczego nie oburzamy się równie mocno w sprawie Kurdów? Odpowiedź tkwi w naszej egoistycznej dwulicowości: troszczymy się tylko o współplemieńców, ale potępiamy innych, gdy oni nie troszczą się o nas.

Brak empatii wobec mniejszości

Źródła naszej wybiórczości i uprzedzeń sięgają głęboko w pokolonialny nacjonalizm i islamizm, które rozprzestrzeniły się na Bliskim Wschodzie od połowy XX wieku. Arabskość (arabizm) promowała wizję jednego zjednoczonego świata arabskiego — tygla, który mniejszości etniczne miały zaakceptować. Islamiści z kolei głosili ideę „Ummy” — utopijnej jedności muzułmańskiej, której inne grupy religijne muszą się podporządkować. W poszukiwaniu tych iluzorycznych tożsamości zbiorowych, mniejszości (czy to etniczne, czy religijne) często postrzegano z podejrzliwością. Każde dążenie do separatyzmu lub federalizmu uznawano za atak na wspólną wizję.

Gdy Saddam Husajn ostrzelał Kurdów bronią chemiczną w Halabdży, nie brakowało arabskich apologetów, którzy przedstawiali Kurdów jako agentów sił zewnętrznych, częściowo winnych własnemu losowi. Podobnie rzecz miała się z syryjskimi Kurdami, których — zwłaszcza w tureckich prorządowych mediach — ukazuje się jako terrorystów lub zwolenników reżimu Asada. Dzieje się tak mimo że Kurdowie od 2004 roku mają długą historię buntów przeciwko Asadowi. To odczłowieczanie mniejszości, takich jak Kurdowie, ma na celu zrzucenie z siebie odpowiedzialności za okrucieństwa dokonywane w imię naszej religii lub naszych państw.

Wąsko pojęty interes własny

Flirtowanie z grupami islamistycznymi ma długą historię na Bliskim Wschodzie. Reżimy i przywódcy wielokrotnie błędnie zakładali, że korzystanie z islamistów jako taniego narzędzia do realizacji celów politycznych jest łatwe i powoduje kosztów. I za każdym razem ta iluzja kończyła się krwawo. Sadat w Egipcie uwolnił wielu islamistów z więzień jako taktyczny ruch przeciwko naseryzmowi. Później obrócili się przeciwko niemu i zamordowali go w 1981 roku. Ostatnio arabskie państwa Zatoki, takie jak Katar i Arabia Saudyjska, uznały Arabską Wiosnę za okazję do obalenia wrogich reżimów, takich jak Asad w Syrii. Naiwnie sądziły, że finansowanie radykalnych dżihadystów doprowadzi do jego upadku. Tak się nie stało, ponieważ szejkowie z Zatoki nie docenili skali wsparcia, jakie Iran i Hezbollah były gotowe udzielić reżimowi Asada. Zamiast pokonać Asada, Katar i inni przyczynili się do stworzenia radykalnych potworów, takich jak ISIS. Kobane to tylko jedna z wielu tragicznych konsekwencji endemicznej politycznej krótkowzroczności, która skłoniła autokratów do igrania z ogniem radykalizmu. Rola Kataru jest dziś ujawniona, ale emirat tego kraju wciąż cieszy się luksusowym pałacem w Dosze, w przeciwieństwie do biednych Syryjczyków (Kurdów i Arabów), śpiących w prowizorycznych namiotach jako uchodźcy w Turcji — wskutek jego lekkomyślnych decyzji.

Myślenie życzeniowe

Turcja Erdogana jest równie winna jak wielu przedstawicieli świata arabskiego. Jego otwarte oburzenie z powodu sytuacji w Gazie i zamachu stanu w Egipcie kontrastuje z lekceważeniem losu Kurdów w Kobane. Do niedawna Turcja — mimo oficjalnych zaprzeczeń — udzielała cichego wsparcia antyasadowskim grupom, w tym ISIS. Tureckie władze nie postrzegają walki o Kobane jako tragedii, lecz jako szansę polityczną na wyrównanie rachunków z kurdyjskimi partyzantami, takimi jak Partia Pracujących Kurdystanu (PKK) — lub przynajmniej jej syryjską odnogą, którą Turcja uznaje za organizację terrorystyczną.

Największym błędem Ankary jest jednak założenie, że obalenie reżimu Asada zakończy radykalizm i rozwiąże tragedię Syrii. Może był to sensowny argument w 2012 roku, zanim rewolucja w Syrii uległa radykalizacji i fragmentacji, ale dziś już nie. Upadek syryjskiego reżimu teraz wywołałby tylko kolejne walki pomiędzy antyasadowskimi milicjami i ugrupowaniami. Krwawa jatka po Asadzie z łatwością przyćmiłaby dotychczasowe okrucieństwa. A nawet jeśli do niej nie dojdzie, osłabiona, wyczerpana Syria będzie nową, koszmarną wersją Libii — tyle że bez ropy — z niewyobrażalnymi konsekwencjami dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego Turcji. Taka Syria nie przejmie odpowiedzialności za sojuszników, nie poradzi sobie z resztkami reżimu Asada, ani nie stawi czoła zemście Hezbollahu. Czy Erdogan w ogóle pomyślał o tym, co będzie po Asadzie? Prawdopodobnie nie. Jest tak zafiksowany na jego pokonaniu, że nie widzi niczego poza tym.

Sukces ISIS nie wynika z jego brutalności czy barbarzyństwa, lecz z głębokiego zrozumienia powyższych bolączek świata arabskiego i tureckiego. Doskonale rozumieją, że wybiórczy gniew zapewni im parasol przed powszechnym oburzeniem, a obojętność wobec mniejszości pozwoli im bezkarnie wykorzystywać Kurdów. ISIS to pasożyt, który żywi się chorobami, egoizmem i polityczną krótkowzrocznością Bliskiego Wschodu. Nie miejmy złudzeń: ISIS rozumie Arabów i Turków lepiej, niż oni rozumieją samych siebie.


Link do oryginału: https://substack.com/home/post/p-185231343

Nervana Mahmoud Substack, 20 stycznia 2026

Nervana Mahmoud – Egipska lekarka, komentatorka i publicystka. Na swoim blogu prezentuje cotygodniowe informacje z Egiptu, pisze artykuły o liberalnym islamie, o prawach kobiet, o muzułmańskim radykalizmie i ogólnie, o sytuacji na Bliskim Wschodzie. Jej artykuły publikowane są w prasie arabskiej, ale również w prasie brytyjskiej. Od kilku lat przeniosła się na stałe do Wielkiej Brytanii.


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Will Trump order a military strike to overthrow Khamenei?


Will Trump order a military strike to overthrow Khamenei?

Alex Traiman


The indicators are there, though military action takes foresight, timing and precision because success must be the result—once the definition of success is made by governments and their armed forces.

The “USS Abraham Lincoln” sails in formation with other vessels in the Pacific Ocean, July 28, 2022, in support of Rim of the Pacific, the world’s largest international maritime exercise. Credit: Canadian Armed Forces Cpl. Djalma Vuong-De Ramos, via U.S. Department of Defense.

As protests shake Iran, U.S. military assets move into place and media coverage intensifies, the absence of action may reflect preparation—not restraint.

Over the past weeks, a growing claim has taken hold that the United States missed its opportunity to strike Iran militarily. According to this line of thinking, the moment passed, the iron cooled, and Washington hesitated.

But that conclusion is premature. It rests on a familiar but flawed assumption: that geopolitical windows are brief, that decisive leaders must act immediately, and that if something does not happen in real time—on social-media timelines or cable-news panels—it will not happen at all. That framing misunderstands how American decision-making works, particularly when it comes to war.

Numerous considerations go into whether the United States will opt to use military force, and just as importantly, when that force might be used and what it all entails.

This is not a short story. Yet it is unfolding inside a 24/7 media echo chamber that demands instant results and definitive answers. Revolutions, however, do not develop on cable-news timelines.

Rising visibility inside America

As U.S. President Donald Trump continues to make public declarations, Iran is moving back toward the center of the American conversation.

U.S. television coverage of events inside the country has increased markedly compared to just a few weeks ago. American coverage—particularly, on Fox News—shows that the shift is unmistakable. Iran is no longer treated as background noise or a dormant file. It is once again being discussed as an active strategic question, with serious attention paid to internal unrest, regime stability and U.S. options to grapple with the quandary.

If pressure mounts and public support inside the United States for military intervention grows, and if political and military conditions align, it will become easier for the president to act. Public opinion does not dictate strategy, but it shapes the environment in which strategic decisions are made.

Trump’s warnings to Tehran have become more explicit. In public statements, interviews and social-media posts, he has repeatedly warned the Iranian regime against violently suppressing protesters. He has emphasized that the United States is “watching very closely” and that continued killings in the streets would not be ignored. In interviews, he has gone further, suggesting that if the regime continues to murder its own people, the United States would defend the protesters.

The language has been deliberately calibrated, though stops short of declaring war and avoids binding commitments for now. But it is also not neutral. It signals that violent repression carries consequences and that Washington is not indifferent to what is happening on the ground.

That ambiguity is not weakness. It is leverage. At the same time, rhetoric has been matched by preparation.

Military assets move to Mideast

Washington has been moving significant military assets into the region, including aircraft carriers and carrier strike groups. These deployments are not symbolic gestures designed for headlines. They are classic indicators of contingency planning.

This is how the United States prepares for war: Assets are positioned first. Capabilities are established. Flexibility is preserved. Only then do political decisions follow. The administration won’t decide to act before the necessary forces are in place.

Seen in that context, the movement of U.S. military hardware should not be read as a signal that a strike is imminent, but neither should it be dismissed. It signals readiness and keeps options alive.

And it reinforces the credibility of presidential warnings.

One central question continues to shape Washington’s thinking: whether military force is even required. From a U.S. perspective, the optimal outcome remains regime change without direct American intervention. The United States wants this to be an Iranian people’s revolution, not a U.S.-led overthrow.

A long and complicated history exists between Iran and the United States, with the Islamic Republic spending decades building its legitimacy on the narrative of foreign interference. Whether that narrative is accurate is almost beside the point. It exists. It resonates. And it continues to shape Iranian politics.

If the Iranian people can bring down the regime themselves—through sustained protest, elite defections and internal pressure—such an outcome is clearly preferable for Washington. It avoids reinforcing the regime’s propaganda and reduces the risk of prolonged regional war. If military action does occur, recent history suggests it will not be impulsive.

American operations, especially under Trump, are typically the result of years of planning, rehearsal and weapons development. They are designed to be decisive, limited and conclusive.

Timeline of “Operation Midnight Hammer,” June 22, 2025. Credit: U.S. Department of Defense via Wikimedia Commons.

That was evident in “Operation Midnight Hammer,” the U.S. strike last summer on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, including the Fordow enrichment facility. That operation was not drawn up on short notice; it had been planned and practiced for years.

The Massive Ordnance Penetrator—the 30,000-pound bunker-buster used in the strike—was developed specifically to destroy deeply buried facilities like Fordow, which sits beneath a mountain and was engineered to withstand conventional attack. Those weapons existed precisely because planners anticipated such a scenario long in advance.

Equally important, the operation did not occur in isolation. Israel had already created the precise battlefield conditions required for achievement, including degrading Iranian air defenses and establishing near-complete aerial superiority. Only once the likelihood of success was exceptionally high did the United States proceed.

The strike was decisive and limited. It was designed to end the military phase, not expand it.

A similar pattern applied to “Operation Absolute Resolve,” the U.S. effort to remove Nicolás Maduro from Caracas.

That mission was prepared for at least six months. U.S. forces rehearsed it repeatedly, gathered intelligence and waited for very specific conditions to align, including weather conditions, before executing. Action followed preparation, not media pressure.

And on Jan. 3, the move was put into place with decisive results seen worldwide.

The lesson is straightforward: The absence of immediate action does not indicate indecision. It often reflects patience. Seen through that lens, the fact that a strike on Iran did not happen this week says little about what may happen next week or next month.

The retaliation question and Israel’s role
Another major consideration is retaliation—particularly, against Israel. If the United States were to strike Iran, the Jewish state would almost certainly be a primary target. Iran would likely fire whatever ballistic missiles it has left, potentially in large salvos, under the assumption that this is a final confrontation.

Estimates suggest that while Israel has degraded a significant portion of Iran’s missile arsenal in recent conflicts, Tehran may still retain more than 1,000 ballistic missiles. In such a scenario, Tehran would likely attempt to fire as many as possible, as quickly as possible.

As such, Israel has been preparing accordingly. In recent days, many Israelis believed that war with Iran was imminent. The home front was readied. Civil-defense awareness increased. That sense of preparedness has not disappeared.

Missile defense remains a very serious issue, even if Israel believes it has prepared extensively for such a scenario.

Recent reports suggested that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu urged the United States not to strike Iran at this juncture. These reports rely on anonymous sources and fit a familiar pattern.

If Washington strikes, the narrative might certainly be that Israel pushed Trump into war. If Washington does not strike, the alternative narrative will be that Israel restrained him. Either way, the story becomes about Israel, regardless of the facts.

This framing, however, is misleading. From Israel’s strategic perspective, total victory ultimately requires the fall of the regime in Tehran—the head of what has often been described as the terror octopus. Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and other proxies are tentacles. Cutting off tentacles without addressing the head doesn’t end the threat.

Even if Israel expects retaliation, this is a war. And wars involve absorbing costs in pursuit of strategic outcomes.

The protests and the regime’s deflection

Meanwhile, the Iranian regime continues to claim that the protests are the joint work of Israel and the United States.

Yet it is Iranian security forces holding the guns and aiming the bullets at unarmed citizens.

That alone undermines the regime’s narrative. If the protesters were foreign agents, the regime would be targeting foreign enemies, not its own people. The violence itself is evidence that this movement is coming from within Iranian society.

The Iranian people are suffering. Their currency has collapsed. Basic resources, including water, are scarce in many areas. Regime funds are spent on nuclear weapons, ballistic missiles, Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis and foreign conflicts while ordinary Iranians see no benefit.

They crave normalcy. They seek a future. They want to be part of the world again. All of this brings the discussion back to the central question: Will Trump order a military strike to overthrow Khamenei?

Even if it has not happened yet, the indicators remain. Reports suggest that senior Iranian figures are moving money out of the country. Readiness remains high on all sides. The absence of a strike today is not a verdict. It is a pause.

And that pause—combined with rising pressure, expanding media coverage, visible military preparations and sustained protests—may itself be a strategic tool. The belief that a strike is possible matters, as does that kind of pressure.

It may also be giving wind to the sails of the Iranian protesters themselves.

For now, the story is not over. It may only be entering its next phase.


Alex Traiman is the CEO and Jerusalem bureau chief of the Jewish News Syndicate (JNS) and host of “Jerusalem Minute.” A seasoned Israeli journalist, documentary filmmaker and startup consultant, he is an expert on Israeli politics and U.S.-Israel relations. He has interviewed top political figures, including Israeli leaders, U.S. senators and national security officials with insights featured on major networks like BBC, Bloomberg, CBS, NBC, Fox and Newsmax. A former NCAA champion fencer and Yeshiva University Sports Hall of Fame member, he made aliyah in 2004, and lives in Jerusalem with his wife and five children.


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French Publisher Recalls School Textbooks That Describe Oct. 7 Victims as ‘Jewish Settlers’


French Publisher Recalls School Textbooks That Describe Oct. 7 Victims as ‘Jewish Settlers’

Shiryn Ghermezian


An aerial view shows the bodies of victims of an attack following a mass infiltration by Hamas gunmen from the Gaza Strip lying on the ground in Kibbutz Kfar Aza, in southern Israel, Oct. 10, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ilan Rosenberg

The largest publishing company in France announced on Wednesday its decision to immediately recall three high school textbooks that describe the victims of the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel as “Jewish settlers” following outrage in the country.

Hachette Livre said it recalled copies of the textbooks that feature the “erroneous content” from booksellers and its other partners. The company also launched an internal investigation to determine how the error could have occurred.

The publisher apologized and said the books will only be sold again once they are corrected, while unsold books will be destroyed. An estimated 2,000 copies were reportedly recalled.

The textbooks read, “In October 2023, following the death of more than 1,200 Jewish settlers in a series of Hamas attacks, Israel decided to tighten its economic blockade and invade a large part of the Gaza Strip, triggering a large-scale humanitarian crisis in the region.”

The text appears in books for final year students preparing for the baccalaureate exam.

Hachette Livre’s chairman, Arnaud Lagardere, apologized “to all those who may rightly have felt hurt, to the teaching staff, to the parents of students, and to the students themselves.” He added that the publisher will “put in place the necessary procedures to ensure that this does not happen again.”

In a post on X, French President Emmanuel Macron said historical revisionism and school textbooks that “falsify the facts” are “intolerable,” especially regarding the “terrorist and antisemitic” massacre on Oct. 7, 2023. “Revisionism has no place in the Republic. I have asked the government to take measures,” he added.

The French Embassy in Israel said it was “deeply outraged” by Hachette’s distortion of facts.

“Any biased presentation of the terrorist and antisemitic attacks carried out by Hamas on Oct. 7 is unacceptable,” it wrote in a post on X. “France is committed to the truth of the facts, to historical rigor, and to the fight against terrorism and antisemitism. The French government has been informed, and immediate measures have been taken to ensure that these shortcomings are corrected without delay.”

Yonathan Arfi, head of the French Jewish group Crif, said the false narrative promoted in the textbooks “constitutes a falsification of history and an unacceptable form of legitimization of Hamas terrorism, which this book fails to explicitly label as a terrorist organization.”

“The justification of the Oct. 7 terrorism has no place in school textbooks,” he wrote on X. “It is not acceptable for this text to continue serving as an educational resource in the schooling of young French people. Hate has no place in school textbooks.”


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